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There are 9 messages totalling 864 lines in this issue.

Topics of the day:

1. Iraqi-Americans say sanctions are weapons of mass destruction
2. Iraq crisis all about the price of oil?
3. Khatami dismantling web of fundamentalist power
4. Khatami's Advisory Council a Counter Measure Against Khamenei
5. Student movement gaining momentum
6. 'Union of Iranian Journalists and Writers' formed
7. Kazakhstan detains three Iranians for alleged spying
8. Iranian MPs submit bill against publication of 'revealing' photos
9. Iranians are human beings and deserve respect (fwd)

----------------------------------------------------------------------

Date: Wed, 25 Feb 1998 13:20:25 -0600
From: aalavi0@HOTMAIL.COM
Subject: Iraqi-Americans say sanctions are weapons of mass destruction

Independent on Sunday
22 February 1998


Iraq crisis - 'Sanctions are true weapons of mass
destruction - better to be bombed


Washington: US Iraquis tell John Carlin war would disable
the country but serve Saddam


SIX Iraqi-born Americans sat in a Washington cafe, sipping
mint tea: two engineers, a financial broker, a private
consultant, a medieval and renaissance scholar, and the
cafe's owner. All had been in telephone contact with their
families in Baghdad in recent days. Yasir, Anas, Ghida,
Suhair, Haider and Raya were discussing their chosen
country's plans to bomb the country where many of their
relatives still live.

Ghida: The view of right-wing Republicans who oppose the
bombing is "what's the point?" My view is that bombing is
an uncivilised answer to an uncivilised man. Saddam is a
barbarian and the US is supposed to be a notch above
barbarism.

Haider: I'm against the bombing because, like the
sanctions, like everything that's happened in the past
seven years, it would seem the target is not Saddam. I
can't see the logic of "We're not going to target him,
we're going to hit the country, bomb it to pieces, but -
but - we have no quarrel with the Iraqi people". Something
is missing there. People talk a lot about the Iraqi people
but, when it comes right down to it, they forget them.

Suhair: I was on the phone this morning to my parents in
Baghdad. They're both over 60. They're scared to death.
They're having a rough enough time without the bombs and
now they have the terror of going to sleep at night and not
waking up, because everybody knows the bombings happen at
night. It'simpossible sitting here in America to understand
how they manage with the food shortages, how every day is a
crisis. God forbid someone should get sick. Things are
terrible now. If they bomb, there'll be no electricity, no
water, the sewage will back up.

Anas: My cousin died last year of food poisoning. She had
to leave hospital because there were no beds and the next
night she died at home. She was 18. What people here don't
understand is that the anger is directed not at Saddam but
at the US. They blame both, actually, but the US gets the
brunt of it.

Yasir: People have no expectations of Saddam. They expect
better of the US.

Raya: When people are battling every day to survive, when
they are desperate to get their daily bread, they cannot
have a clear vision of what is going on. It's easier for
them to accept what they hear on radio and television and
blame the superpower.

Anas: People feel a sense of betrayal when they think of
the US. You have to think of the Iraqi people as suffering
from a sort of collective battered-wife syndrome. They know
no better than this. This is their fate and there is no way
out. This is their reality. But when the external threat
comes along it is something new, something outside their
reality and their accustomed fate, so they turn their anger
on the external threat.

Suhair: US double standards towards Israel also increase
people's sense of bitterness and betrayal.

Yasir: You see a pattern in Saddam's behaviour. He strikes
when things are going badly in the Arab-Israeli peace
effort, when US credibility is questioned in the Arab
world.

Haider: When I look at all these think tanks, all these
advisers, all these people in the Clinton administration
who work on the foreign-policy team, I do not see anyone
from the Arab world. Not one. Then when the top three
people - Cohen, Albright and Berger - appear on CNN and
talk to the world about Iraq, it turns out that all three
are Jews. Don't get me wrong. I am not prejudiced. But how
does it look to Arab people?

Ghida: It's tough when you are an American citizen who
loves America - so much more welcoming to foreigners than
England, where I lived for 25 years. I suppose you must
separate the American people from US foreign policy. But
how can I tell my children that the architects of this
country's foreign policy are more civilised and enlightened
than Saddam Hussein when babies and children are dying
because of the policy?

Anas: The sanctions are the true weapons of mass
destruction. Imagine a weapon that selectively kills
babies, the old, the sick and the helpless. That weapon is
sanctions.

Ghida: In some ways sanctions are more evil than bombing
because of the long, drip-torture effect.

Suhair: Some say they would rather be killed by a bomb than
die slowly with sanctions.

Anas: But now with the bombing the consequences will be a
breakdown of the infrastructure and massive casualties.
Saddam will be fine when the war is over. He stood up to
the West.

Yasir: I dread it. A sense of helplessness and despair
overcomes me because it's sort of deja vu. The Gulf war was
a disaster for Iraqis and I see a similar outcome if the US
strikes again. The country will be disabled, society as
whole will be destroyed.

Suhair: Apart from the devastation, you'll have the
refugees. But Saddam will survive, unless he's very
unlucky. He'll be a lot stronger politically, especially in
the Arab world, where we love a hero, a strongman.


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------------------------------

Date: Wed, 25 Feb 1998 13:21:52 -0600
From: aalavi0@HOTMAIL.COM
Subject: Iraq crisis all about the price of oil?

Independent on Sunday
22 February 1998


Iraq crisis - The price of oil


Beirut: Behind Iraq's power is oil says Robert Fisk. Yet
that element is unmentioned in this crisis: why?


AT HIS first press conference after Iraq's invasion of
Kuwait in 1990, I asked General Norman Schwarzkopf, the
supreme commander in the Gulf, when he was going to tell
his troops that any future war would be about oil. If I
thought that the conflict was about oil, he replied, I
should look for another job. "This is not about oil," he
said. "This is about rape. In fact, it's about gang-rape."

Well, when there was a conflict about real gang-rape - in
Bosnia - the United States did not want to intervene. And
Kuwait did turn out to be about oil. We finished the war
with the Kuwaiti oilfields burning, breathing oil clouds,
literally coated in the stuff. Now, yet again, the US is
threatening a war with Iraq. And once more, nobody - not a
single Western statesman - is talking about oil.

Why not? Iraq is one of the world's wealthiest oil states.
Before 1990 it was producing 3.2 million barrels a day
(mbd) of oil. Today, the entire UN sanctions programme
against Iraq is based upon the sale of Iraqi oil; Iraq can
sell $1bn (615m) of it every three months, for renewable
six-month periods, to buy food and medicine. That's just
600,000 barrels a day. What would happen if sanctions
ended? Could Saddam - would Saddam - take his revenge on
Kuwait by artificially lowering the price of oil?

Arab oil experts have their suspicions. The "moamarer" -
the "plot" - is a ubiquitous element in Arab politics, but
it is worth noting what Arab economists are asking. If
Saddam was "de-isolated" - if full compliance with UN
resolutions was granted and sanctions lifted - would Saddam
undercut the market? Currently, oil sells at between $13.25
and $14 a barrel. "Saddam could sell at $9 a barrel, just
to bring the price down," an Arab statistician with
pro-Iranian leanings commented last week. "Do you realise
what that would mean? It would devalue British North Sea
oil, under-mine American oil production and - more
important - it would destroy the huge profits the United
States stands to gain from its massive investment in
Caucasian oil production, especially in Azerbaijan. So what
incentive do the Americans have to lift sanctions and let
Saddam off the hook?"

It is a powerful argument, all the more ironic because
Saddam's real reason for invading Kuwait is believed by
many Arabs to be linked to Kuwait's 1990 decision to lower
the price of oil and bankrupt Iraq's economy after its
eight-year war with Iran. The suspicion that oil prices
have a role in Washington's threat to bombard Iraq is only
increased by the UN's refusal to allow any income from the
sale of Iraqi crude to be used to repair and maintain the
country's oil wells and pumping stations.

The UN wants Iraq to continue exporting oil: indeed, on
Friday, the Security Council voted to allow Baghdad to more
than double the amount it can sell to buy food and
medicine.Yet it has totally neglected the Iraqis' requests
to restore their pumping capacity by renovating the
machinery in Iraq's war-damaged fields. One Iraqi estimate
is that at least $600,000 will have to be spent on oil
facility repairs to bring export levels to 1.6mbd.

Under the terms of the UN's oil-for-food programme, Iraq
has to pay 30 per cent of its sales to Kuwait in war
reparations and another 5 per cent to cover the costs of UN
operations in the country. Up to 15 per cent has to go to
Kurdish areas in northern Iraq, which were semi-autonomous
but which - since last year's crushing of the CIA-sponsored
operations in the north - now fall largely under Saddam's
control. Less than half the total income can be used to buy
food and medicine for the Iraqi population. And, as UN
officials themselves point out, the present programme fails
to meet the humanitarian needs of Iraq's 22 million
population - which has increased by four million since the
1991 Gulf war.

Thus UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan's visit to Saddam
Hussein this weekend involves a discussion of what Iraq
needs to increase its oil production capacity. The Iraqis
were appalled to discover that Mr Annan's original proposal
for an expanded oil-for-food plan included no money for oil
facility repairs. Under French pressure, a new proposal -
which the US news agency, Associated Press, has seen - does
include funds for the restoration of oil field machinery.
Under the second phase of Iraqi exports monitored by the
UN, Iraq could sell 121mb of oil, 25mb of which were bought
by France and 59mb - around 40 per cent - by Russia; which
provides a good reason for Russia to warn of world calamity
in the event of further military attacks by the US and
Britain.

But oil - the very reason for Iraq's power in the Middle
East - remains the unspoken element in the current crisis.
Most Arabs, of course, realise that the Iraqi regime is
untrustworthy and aggressive. But they also know that Iraq
possesses a unique blessing: it is the only Middle East
nation which has both water and oil. The Arab Gulf states
have oil but no rivers. The Arab nations with rivers
possess little or no oil. But Iraq has both - and is
therefore a potential paradise, containing both fertility
and wealth. And this is the country that the West once
again is preparing to attack. For the Arabs, the long-term
implications are obvious: the West wants to keep its
potentially richest nation in penury.

These arguments ignore the issues of arms inspection and
the threat that Iraq - according to Washington - "poses to
its neighbours". The odd thing is that the neighbours
supposedly threatened by Saddam do not - with the exception
of Kuwait - want to join President Clinton's latest
crusade. With feelings of betrayal, caused by the US's
refusal to talk tough to Israel in the face of a dead
Middle East "peace process" and its equally strong desire
to use force against Iraq, the Arabs are in no mood to
support an Anglo-American adventure in what was once called
Mesopotamia.

Neither do they have any idea what Washington will do if,
bombed yet again, Saddam Hussein refuses to comply with UN
Security Council resolutions on arms inspections. On
Wednesday night, Lebanese journalists put this question to
the US ambassador to Lebanon, Richard Jones. "I'm not going
to play that game," Mr Jones replied. "This is a question
for somebody much more highly paid than I am." Which does
not say much for the salary of US ambassadors in the Middle
East.


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------------------------------

Date: Wed, 25 Feb 1998 15:00:21 -0600
From: aalavi0@HOTMAIL.COM
Subject: Khatami dismantling web of fundamentalist power

Al-Moujez-an-Iran (Iran Briefing)
February, 1998, Volume #7, Number #6
http://www.caisuk.com/alm0298.htm


Letter from the Editor
February, 1998


EDITORIAL

By: Dr. Ali Nourizadeh

It has been announced in Tehran that Mohammad Lavasani will
soon be taking his new job as Iran's new ambassador in
Ankara. At the same time, 18 Iranian diplomats have been
recalled to Tehran after a directive from President Khatami
and his Islamic Guidance Minister, which called for the
replacement of 161 Foreign Ministry employees because of
lack of qualifications or membership in various
revolutionary or security organisations.

Furthermore, during the month of February, a total of 96
Iranians and non-Iranians who have been serving in the
cultural and religious propagation offices abroad- which
are connected to the office of the supreme leader,
Ayatollah Khamenei- will be made redundant, ending years of
their employment with high salaries.

These developments, which come as a direct result of
Khatami's presidency, are part of a larger reorganisation
of Iran's foreign policy.

The Hizbollah of Lebanon, a long-time proxy for Iranian
fundamentalists in Middle Eastern politics, will from now
on only receive around $79m per year. This is in contrast
to the hundreds of millions of dollars previously "donated"
to them from the national budget, not to mention the vast
military support that they have been receiving from Tehran.
Even the latest subsidy will be coming from funds
controlled by Khamenei, rather than the general government
budget.

There will be little or no financial assistance from Iran
to the radical Palestinian groups who oppose the mainstream
forces engaged in peace talks with the Israelis.

The Council of Ministers has cancelled the entire budget
for two secret security committees. One is for northern
Iraq, headed by Ali Aghamohammadi, and the other headed by
Hojatuleslam Mohseni is responsible for activities in
Afghanistan.

The Organisation of Islamic and Cultural Links, under the
direction of Ali Mohammad Taskhiri, an advisor to Ayatollah
Khamenei, has been using its offices in Muslim countries to
gain support for Khamenei's self-declared Imam of Umma
(leader of the Islamic World). It has had its budget
slashed to zero by the Ministry of Islamic Guidance,
although Khamenei's office has promised to continue funding
it from his personal budget.

On the political front and at home, President Khatami has
taken the courageous step of branding the Ansar e Hizbollah
as fascist, and has pledged to stop them from any further
violent activities.

Khatami has also dispatched his special envoy, Hujatolislam
Imam Jamarani, to publicly reconcile the grand ayatollahs
of powerful religious colleges, following years of
humiliation at the hands of the fundamentalists. They
include dissident Ayatollahs Montazeri, Shirazi, Rouhani
and Behjat.

The fundamentalists have not remained silent in the face of
these developments, which in effect will sweep them from
their undeserved positions. They have accused President
Khatami of being "too lenient" towards the United States in
his historic interview with the CNN last month.

No matter how strong the pressure may be from these
reactionary forces on President Khatami to prevent him from
carrying out his mandate, he will continue to fulfil his
promises to the people of Iran. This is a fact that cannot
be altered.



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------------------------------

Date: Wed, 25 Feb 1998 15:02:08 -0600
From: aalavi0@HOTMAIL.COM
Subject: Khatami's Advisory Council a Counter Measure Against Khamenei

Al-Moujez-an-Iran (Iran Briefing)
February, 1998, Volume #7, Number #6
http://www.caisuk.com/alm0298.htm


Khatami Appoints New Advisory Council

New Panel Seen as a Counter Measure Against Khamenei

In January, President Khatami appointed former Prime
Minister, Mir Hussein Mussavi, to head a 28-member
Presidential Advisory Council on various social and
political issues that Iran faces today.

Iranian analysts were quick to point out that the Advisory
Council should be seen as a counter measure to offset the
rulings of a similar body which has been forming around
Ayatollah Khamenei, the supreme religious leader.

The Council consists of eight committees, which will
address pressing political and social issues. In contrast
to the conservatives that make up Khamenei's advisory
group, the Presidential Council's makeup is significantly
more liberal and progressive. Both groups are expected to
issue non-binding "advisory opinions".

The following is the composition of the Council and its
sub-committees:

Chairman: Mir Hossein Moussavi (former Prime Minister)

Vice Chairman: Ali Reza Moayeri (former Deputy Prime
Minister & Adviser to the President)

1. Committee on Press, Publications, Radio and Television

Seyed Hadi Khamenei. Brother of the Supreme Leader
Ayatollah Khamenei and former editor of the monthly 'Jahane
Eslam ' (World of Islam), which was shut down by former
President Rafsanjani.

Ahmad Pour-Nejati. An associate of former Intelligence
Chief Reyshahri and former editor of the publication
'Arzeshha ' (Values). He was previously deputy minister at
the Ministry of Islamic Guidance, as well as deputy
director of the Islamic Republic Broadcasting Corporation
(radio and television).

Hadi Khaniky. Journalist and commentator who has long
served in various ministries as a consultant.

Jalal Rafie. Writer and journalist with the daily Etellaat.
He was the man who interviewed Khatami on Iranian
television after his 100 days in office.

Jamileh Kadivar. Wife of the Minister of Islamic Guidance,
Dr. Ataollah Mohajerani. She is a prominent writer on
political and international affairs in the daily Etellaat,
proficient in both English and Arabic, and a Ph.D.
candidate in Political Science.

2. Committee on Arts and Culture

Hojat-ul-Eslam Javad Ajeie. A former member of Majles and
an adviser to previous presidents on cultural and student
affairs.

Javad Faridzadeh. A colleague of Khatami when the new
President headed the Ministry of Islamic Guidance.

Mohammad Shariati. Another former Khatami colleague at the
Ministry of Islamic Guidance.

Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Tavasoli, a previous member of the
Expediency Council and Secretary to the late Ayatollah
Khomeini. Tavasoli is highly respected.

Hojat-ul-Eslam Hossein Hashemian. A prominent member of the
Majles, with a previous record of service in many public
offices

Hojat-ul-Eslam Serajedin Moussavi. Former Deputy Minister
of Interior and the Head of Islamic Committee, prior to
their integration with the Police and Gendarmerie. He was
once publisher of the works of the dissident Ayatollah
Hossein-Ali Montazeri.

Hojat-ul-Eslam Seyed Mehdi Emam Jamarani. A former Head of
the Religious Endowment and Haj organisation . He has
served as the personal emissary of Khatami and Khamenei to
the religious leadership in Qom which have expressed
dissatisfaction with government and social policy.

4. Committee on Youth Affairs

Hossein Nasiri (not to be confused with Mehdi Nasiri, the
previous editor of Kayhan and the owner of the publication
Haj).

Ahmad Masjed Jamei. First Vice Minister at the Ministry of
Islamic Guidance.

Mehdi Hojat

Seyed Morteza Mir-Bagheri

All of these individuals were colleagues of President
Khatami's at the Ministry of Islamic Guidance, as well as
trusted friends of Mir Hossein Moussavi.

5. Committee on Sunni Affairs

Molavi Esshagh Madani. A previous Rafsanjani adviser of
Baluchi extraction.

AIi Khalili Ardakani

Assad Sheikh-ul-Eslami. A member of a prominent Kurdish
family and a university professor.

6. Committee on Economic Affairs

Massoud Roghani Zanjani. A prominent member of the Supreme
Economic Council and a major figure in the Plan and Budget
Organisation.

Aboutaleb Shalchian. Former Deputy Prime Minister and
Presidential adviser.

Mohammad Satari, a prominent economist.

Ali Mazroui, a well-known economic planner.

7. Committee on Social Affairs

Ali Akbar Mohtashemi, former Minister of Interior. His
appointment is recognition of his support of Khatami in the
1997 Presidential elections.

Khosrow Tehrani

Ali Rabiie

8. Committee on Public Information

The most prominent members of this committee whose main
function is to deal with complaints about government
officials and their possible corruption (much like the
Imperial Inspectorate in the previous regime) are:

Seyed Kazem Boujnourdi, a close confidante of President
Khatami and his deputy at the National Library.

Abbas Horry, a personal friend of the President.



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------------------------------

Date: Wed, 25 Feb 1998 15:14:30 -0600
From: aalavi0@HOTMAIL.COM
Subject: Student movement gaining momentum

Al-Moujez-an-Iran (Iran Briefing)
February, 1998, Volume #7, Number #6
http://www.caisuk.com/alm0298.htm


STUDENTS CLASH WITH REVOLUTIONARY GUARDS IN TEHRAN

Peaceful Protest Turns Violent


After the failure of the government to respond to months of
student demands for better housing and study grants, 2000
Tehran University students clashed in violent
demonstrations with security forces.

According to the daily Salam, which is identified with
centre-left supporters of President Khatami, the students
began to gather in the streets outside the main university
dormitory in north Tehran. They blocked traffic by
distributing leaflets to the passers-by and motorists. The
leaflets contained a long list of student complaints,
ranging from shortage of water and electricity in their
dormitories to a lack of concern on the part of the
university administration for students' basic needs.

The paper reported that a large number of Revolutionary
Guards and security forces were then dispatched to the
scene of the street protest, where they were met by
chanting students. The confrontation escalated as students
threw stones at the Guards and smashed the windows of
nearby shops and homes.

Salam reported that, "the students were chanting 'Death to
Dictatorship', 'Down with Despots' and 'Remove the Dean
Now'".

Salam also reported that Mohammad Salamati, a member of the
Central Council of the Islamic Students Union, said that
the students "were fed up with the repressive attitudes of
the university's administration".

Iranian sources believe the student movement is gaining
momentum. Khatami's limited reforms have brought about
reduced restrictions on political activities, while raising
economic expectations.



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------------------------------

Date: Wed, 25 Feb 1998 15:16:46 -0600
From: aalavi0@HOTMAIL.COM
Subject: 'Union of Iranian Journalists and Writers' formed

Al-Moujez-an-Iran (Iran Briefing)
February, 1998, Volume #7, Number #6
http://www.caisuk.com/alm0298.htm


FIRST JOURNALISTS' UNION IS STARTED IN IRAN

The Intelligentsia Regroups to Defend Its Professional Life


The first journalists' union under the Islamic Republic has
been formed in Tehran, promising to become a focal point of
writers' and journalists' defence of their profession in
the face of years of censorship and repressive press laws.

The organisation, named "The Union of Iranian Journalists
and Writers", received its license from the Ministry of
Work and Social Services last month. A working committee
for drafting the union's manifesto began holding public
meetings at least four months ago, which signalled that the
reformist administration of Mohammad Khatami would not
obstruct the eventual establishment of the new union.

The union will soon begin to register members, but many
exiled Iranian journalists say loyal and vetted writers
largely dominate the new union and that the response from
more independent writers and reporters may not be
favourable.

Before the Islamic Revolution of 1979, Iranian journalists
had a professional, but apolitical union of their own,
which was banned from activities soon after the Islamic
regime took over. The religious authorities had accused the
pre-Revolution union of having been "infiltrated by left
wing and Marxist elements". Many Iranian journalists and
writers regarded it as a repressive measure to stifle
opposition to the new regime, and denied the charge.

In 1995, 134 Iranian writers and journalists wrote an open
letter to the then President Hashemi Rafsanjani, protesting
the regime's censorship policy. While the open letter
received massive support from writers, trade union
activists and human rights organisations across the world,
the regime arrested many of its signers, subjecting some to
torture.


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------------------------------

Date: Thu, 26 Feb 1998 01:33:50 +0100
From: Farhad Abdolian <farhad@ALGONET.SE>
Subject: Kazakhstan detains three Iranians for alleged spying

ALMATY, Feb 25 (AFP) - Kazakh authorities said Wednesday they
were holding three Iranians for receiving intelligence secrets from
a Kazakh citizen, as Iran firmly denied they were spies.
The Iranians, currently in solitary confinement, were arrested
Tuesday near a central department store in Almaty as they were
collecting documents containing "social and economic" intelligence
from a Kazakh informer, said the deputy head of the Kazakh National
Security Committee, Rakhat Tilebaldinov.
But an Iranian embassy spoksman in Almaty said: "We absolutely
deny there being any Iranian secret agents in Kazakhstan."
Spokesman Hamidreza Anvari added, however, that Iran had not yet
received the names of its arrested citizens and could not say what
they were doing in Almaty, the Central Asian republics largest city
and commercial center.
A Kazakh national security committee official, who asked to
remain anonymous, said the arrests occurred as the Kazakh was
passing intelligence information to the Iranians.
The three Iranians arrested "represent a threat to the country's
security," he said (eds: corrects source).
The official, who declined to name the suspects, said one was a
special agent for Irans ministry of information and security and the
other two were bodyguards. All three were unarmed.
The Kazakh citizen was reportedly recruited by the Iranians more
than a year ago to gather information on Kazakhstans social,
political and economic conditions and on individuals working in the
government.
Russia's ORT television broadcast footage which appeared to show
the four men being seized by plainclothes police on a busy street.
The security committee official said the authorities were aware
of the alleged Iranian special agents arrival about two weeks ago in
Almaty. He arrived with the intention of meeting with the Kazakh
suspect, the official added.
Iran's charge d'affaires Abbas Golriz met with Kazakh foreign
ministry officials to discuss the arrests, but the ministry refused
to give additional information about the detainees, the Iranian
embassy said.
It is the first time since Kazakhstan became independent in 1991
that Iranian citizens have been arrested for spying and, according
to the official, they will not receive diplomatic immunity.
Interfax quoted Kenjebolat Beknazarov, press secretary for the
national security committee, as saying Kazakhstan had sent
"appropriate notice" to Irans embassy in Almaty Wednesday morning.
However, Anvari said the brief note contained no details about
the citizens nor their names.
After the initial announcement, diplomats from both countries
tried to downplay the arrests.
The arrests "were surprising and it was very unfortunate that it
happened in this way, but we believe that they wont have an effect
on our relations with Kazakhstan," Anvari said.
He added: "There may be a few people who want to disrupt
friendly relations between our two countries. We ask Kazakhstan to
give us detailed information."
Andrei Antonenko, deputy director of the Kazakh foreign
ministry's department of consular services, said the incident would
not complicate relations between Kazakhstan and Iran.
"If you believe books, newspapers and mass media, yes, you
encounter such situations, but I dont recall that they affected
international relations between states," he said.
About 1,000 Iranians have come to live in Kazakhstan since the
collapse of the Soviet Union, mostly to conduct business here,
Anvari said.
Some 300 Iranians immigrated to Kazakhstan after World War II.
Their descendants, many of whom are now Kazakh citizens, number
about 3,000 today, he said.

------------------------------

Date: Thu, 26 Feb 1998 01:33:16 +0100
From: Farhad Abdolian <farhad@ALGONET.SE>
Subject: Iranian MPs submit bill against publication of 'revealing' photos

TEHRAN, Feb 25 (AFP) - A bill to ban the publication of
"revealing" pictures of unveiled women in the Iranian press was
submitted Wednesday by a group of conservative members of Iran's
parliament, the Kayhan newspaper reported.
Twenty-four of the parliament's 270 members sponsored the bill
to hold newspapers to Islamic criteria for publishing pictures of
women.
The 24 MPs say they oppose "abuses" by some magazines, a
reference to photographs of Western women in make up without
headscarves or in short sleeves.
The bill was formulated after the culture and Islamic
orientation ministry banned the sale of the weekly Fakour which had
published photos of alleged mistresses of US President Bill
Clinton.
Earlier, the chief justice, Ayatollah Mohammad Yazdi, warned
against the publication of "any article or photo contrary to Islamic
values."
The warnings came while the country is experiencing a relaxation
of cultural restrictions under the moderate new culture and Islamic
orientation minister, Ataollah Mohajerani.
Under Mohajerani, a number of permits have been issued for the
publication of movie and youth magazines, which increasingly publish
photos of bare-headed Western actresses.

------------------------------

Date: Wed, 25 Feb 1998 20:16:37 -0600
From: aalavi0@HOTMAIL.COM
Subject: Iranians are human beings and deserve respect (fwd)

From: THE IRANIAN TIMES <Times@iranian.com>
(UNX11.US.ORACLE.COM:Times@iranian.com)
Sent: Wednesday, February 25, 1998 5:11:00 PM
To: Recipient.List.Suppressed:;
Subject: Simple Respect
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------


* Letter expressing serious concern over comments made regarding Iranian
students in the United States

SIGN YOUR NAME IN THE BOTTOM AND EMAIL TO <info@kyl.senate.gov>,
<senator@feinstein.senate.gov>

++++++

The Honorable Dianne Feinstein
United States Senate
Email: senator@feinstein.senate.gov

The Honorable Jon Kyl
United States Senate
Email: info@kyl.senate.gov


Dear Senators

Your comments on Tuesday, February 24, 1998 (reported by the Associated
Press
<http://search.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/WAPO/19980224/V000604-022498-idx.html
>
) regarding visas issued to Iranians attending universities in the United
States have shocked and distressed Iranian-Americans and all Iranians
living and working legally in the United States.

To suggest directly or otherwise that Iranian students in general are
potential terrorists and a threat to the safety and security of the United
States is nothing short of an insult to a group of students who over
successive years has proven to be exemplary in every way.

Many of these students have and will move on to become citizens of this
country. Those many many thousands who have graduated from American
colleges and remained in this country have been among the most law-abiding,
productive and honorable members of society.

Your demonization of Iranian students in the United States recalls one of
the ugliest periods in American history when Japanese-Americans were
rounded up and sent to concentration camps during World War II simply
because this country was at war with Japan.

We, too, do not wish terrorists to gain access to any kind of science and
technological knowhow that would threaten the United States and its
citizens. However, pointing the finger at one group of people made of
individuals (not made up of representatives of a government at odds with
the United States) is not the answer.

Madam, Sir,

If Nigeria becomes a supporter of international terrorism, should all black
students from Africa go through a special security clearance? If Israel,
goes to war with the United States, do all Jews in this country become a
potential security threat? Of course not.

Being Iranian is not a crime. Iranians are human beings and deserve respect
like any other. And we expect this simple human courtesy from you and all
politicians of this great land where we have chosen to live as our new home.

Respectfully Yours


SIGN YOUR NAME IN THE BOTTOM AND EMAIL TO:

Senator Kyl : info@kyl.senate.gov
Senator Feinstein: senator@feinstein.senate.gov


* Jahanshah Javid, Berkeley, California
THE IRANIAN online magazine
Web: http://www.iranian.com
Email: jj@iranian.com

*

*

*

*

*

-----== Posted via Deja News, The Leader in Internet Discussion ==-----
http://www.dejanews.com/ Now offering spam-free web-based newsreading

------------------------------

End of DNI-NEWS Digest - 25 Feb 1998
************************************