Subject: DNI-NEWS Digest - 28 Jan 1999 to 30 Jan 1999

There are 12 messages totalling 669 lines in this issue.

Topics of the day:

1. Iran's Revolutionary Guards remain the revolution's guardians
2. Desire for change marks Iran's celebrations
3. Iran's local elections spark new rift within regime
4. To be 20 in Tehran
5. Iran recruits engineers for nuclear training in Russia
6. People's Mujahedeen, Iranian government's nemesis
7. US foreign policy mistakes on Iran haunt Washington
8. Iran demands US apology, compensation
9. Three die in Iran helicopter crash
10. Iran rejects EU fact-finding mission
11. Dr Peyman: An Islamic View of the Rule of the People.
12. Sakineh Abdi's interview with BBC]

Date: Sat, 30 Jan 1999 15:43:58 GMT
From: Farhad Abdolian <farhad@ALGONET.SE>
Subject: Iran's Revolutionary Guards remain the revolution's guardians

TEHRAN, Jan 30 (AFP) - Twenty years after the overthrow of the
shah, Iran's Revolutionary Guards are still the guardians of the
Islamic revolution, ensuring that there is no deviation from the
path charted out by the late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
The olive-green uniform of the guards, or Pasdaran in Persian,
remains ever present in every Iranian town, as well as in sensitive
border regions.
Originally set up in the first weeks of the revolution as a
counterweight to the old Imperial Army which, despite extensive
purges, the new regime regarded with suspicion, the guards are still
the force to which the regime entrusts its most sensitive missions.
When riots broke out in 1996 in the poor south Tehran suburb of
Islamshahr, the regime called on one of the guards' anti-riot units,
the Ashura Brigade, to put them down.
The guards are also in charge of Iran's sensitive medium- and
long-range missile programme -- they successful tested the
medium-range Shahab-3 missile last July sparking intense concern in
Israel and the United States.
In the 1980s when the regime wanted to provide assistance to
Shiite Moslem militias in Lebanon's 1975-91 civil war, it was again
the guards which were called upon to send thousands of Iranians to
fight alongside Lebanese militiamen.
The precise strength of the Guards Corps has never been
published officially but is estimated at between 100,000 and 150,000
men -- the vast majority of them conscripts -- in an armed forces
totalling around 500,000.
Mainly a ground force, the guards also have their own army and
air force alongside those of the traditional armed forces.
A reserve militia of Islamic volunteers known as the Basiji also
comes under their command.
Extensively used during the 1980-88 war with Iraq, the Basiji
are now essentially a reserve force of young working class militants
who the regime can mobilize when necessary.
The high command of the Revolutionary Guards continues to
provide the regime with some of its most faithful and hardline
supporters.
The appointment of a young new commander to head the corps in
autumn 1997 soon after the election of moderate President Mohammed
Khatami raised hopes of a gradual easing of the guard's traditional
hard line.
But instead a series of stern warnings from the guards' high
command soon after the appointment of Yahia Rahim Safavi prompted
outraged protests from the president's moderate and left-wing
supporters.
In April last year Safavi himself was quoted as condemning the
new political and cultural path traced by Khatami and warning that
he would "cut off the heads of some and the tongues of others."
Several former guards commanders also retain positions of power
within the regime.
Former guards minister, Mohsen Rafiq-Doust, now heads the
powerful Foundation for the Disinherited, a para-state agency which
controls a vast industrial and property empire and manages the
seized assets of the ousted imperial family.
And the guards' longest-serving commander, General Mohsen Rezai,
who led them for some 16 years notably through the Iran-Iraq war, is
now secretary of the Expediency Council, Iran's top constitutional
arbitration body.
Ironically Rezai's son has rejected his father's anti-Westernism
and is now a fierce critic of the regime broadcasting savage attacks
from the United States, where he was granted political asylum last
year.

Date: Sat, 30 Jan 1999 15:44:08 GMT
From: Farhad Abdolian <farhad@ALGONET.SE>
Subject: Desire for change marks Iran's celebrations

TEHRAN, Jan 30 (AFP) - Iran kicks off 10 days of events to
celebrate the 20th anniversary of the Islamic revolution Monday amid
a widespread desire for change among ordinary people and open
warfare between the revolution's heirs.
Big demonstrations are planned to mark all the major events of
the 10 days in 1979 which swept aside 25 centuries of monarchy and
established an Islamic republic.
Monday itself marks the anniversary of the triumphal return to
Iran of the revolution's leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini after 15
years of exile in Iraq and France to a rapturous welcome from
hundreds of thousands of ordinary Iranians.
The image that has gone down in history is of the new master of
Iran, stern-faced and enigmatic, walking gingerly down the steps of
the Air France Boeing helped by an airline steward.
But Monday's celebrations will be held at the mausoleum on the
southern outskirts of the capital where Khomeini's body was laid to
rest after his death 10 years ago in June and at the other end of
the country in the great Shiite Moslem pilgrimage city of Mashhad.
The streets of Tehran and all Iran's major cities are already
decked with coloured lights in readiness for the big day and public
buildings carry huge posters of Khomeini and his successor as
supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
This year, as every year, school bells will sound across Iran at
exactly 9:33 a.m. (0603 GMT), the time when Khomeini's plane touched
down.
The celebrations marking the 10 Days of Dawn as they are known
in official jargon will continue until February 11, the date when
the last imperial government of Prime Minister Shapur Bakhtiar was
finally overthrown.
To mark the overthrow, a mass demonstration is planned at a huge
square close to the airport which in the days of the shah used to be
known as Imperial Heritage Square but which is now renamed Freedom
Square and boasts a huge monument to the revolution.
In all more than 2,000 demonstrations will be held over the 10
days, according to the celebrations' organizers. The Tehran
international film festival and a theatre festival will also
coincide with the celebrations.
But it will be an uphill battle for the array of anniversary
events to capture the imagination of ordinary Iranians.
Rising inflation and the mounting economic problems caused by a
sharp fall in the price of Iran's main export, oil, are now of
greater concern to most Iranians than the old revolutionary
slogans.
And in one of the world's youngest countries, an ever smaller
proportion of the population has any memory of how life was before
the revolution -- nearly 50 percent of Iranians were born after
1979.
The anniversary events also come amid a fierce battle for
Khomeini's inheritance as conservatives and hardliners struggle to
put the brakes on the reform programme launched by President
Mohammed Khatami, a moderate cleric who won a shock election victory
in May 1997.
Very isolated within the institutions of the regime, Khatami has
relied on the support of women, the young, the press and
intellectuals to counterbalance the conservatives' strangehold.
The reformers have succeeded in easing some of the tight
controls on everyday life enforced for the past 20 years.
Women are still obliged to wear the Islamic headscarf or
traditional black chador in public, but smart boutiques offer the
latest imported perfumes and fast-food restaurants and even Internet
cafes have sprung up around the capital.
But the government's shock admission earlier this month that
"rogue" intelligence agents were behind a string of recent murders
of dissident intellectuals came as a stark and bloody reminder that
the hardliners remain armed and in the wings.

Date: Sat, 30 Jan 1999 15:44:14 GMT
From: Farhad Abdolian <farhad@ALGONET.SE>
Subject: Iran's local elections spark new rift within regime

TEHRAN, Jan 29 (AFP) - Preparations for Iran's first ever
municipal elections next month sparked a new rift Friday between the
government of moderate President Mohammed Khatami and his
conservative opponents.
Interior Minister Abdolvahab Mussavi-Lari slammed the
conservative-dominated Supervision Council for rejecting "a
significant number of candidates" for the elections due on February
26.
"The Supervision Council should monitor and endorse the
decisions of the Executive Council and not allow itself to approve
or reject the candidacy of this or that candidate," Mussavi-Lari
told the official news agency IRNA.
In an uncomfortable sharing of powers, the two separate bodies
are responsible for preparing the final list of "eligible"
candidates which the interior ministry says should be published on
February 4.
The Executive Councils, which are part of the interior ministry,
are responsible for examining the candidates' files and organizing
the vote.
The parallel Supervision Councils, whose members are appointed
by the conservative-dominated parliament, are charged with checking
the candidates' files, endorsing the Executive Councils' decisions
and "supervising the running of the election."
The Supervision Councils have taken this to mean that they have
the right to reject candidacies that are not in strict conformity
with the letter of the electoral law, which sets a series of
criteria for assessing candidates' loyalty to the Islamic republic's
constitution.
As well as being literate and at least 25 years of age,
candidates are required to have no record of breaking the law or
supporting the ousted shah, and to recognize both the consitution of
the Islamic republic and the institution of supreme leader.
Khatami's moderate and left-wing supporters accuse the
conservatives of using the criteria to disqualify their candididates
and block genuine participation in the elections by all factions
within the regime.
But the conservatives in the Supervision Council strongly reject
the moderates' charges.
Khatami's supporters were seeking to "politicize" the election,
countered Ali Movahedi-Savoji, a conservative MP who is a member of
the council.
A similar controversy erupted last year before Iran's last
nationwide elections, for the Council of Experts which is
responsible for electing Iran's supreme leader, a post currently
held by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Some Khatami supporters called for a boycott of the elections,
after their candidates were disqualified. Khatami himself criticised
the selection process, but refused to endorse the boycott calls.
More than 330,000 Iranians, including 5,000 women, have put
their names forward as candidates for next month's elections.
Even before any disqualifications, the number fell far short of
the interior ministry's hopes.
The ministry had expected more than a million hopefuls to put
their names foward to stand in the elections for some 200,000
municipal councillors.
The councillors will be elected for four years and will in turn
elect 720 mayors.
Previously the mayors had been appointed by the interior
ministry and its local representatives.
Local elections were provided for in the Iranian constitution
adopted in 1980, but none have previously been held.

Date: Sat, 30 Jan 1999 15:44:24 GMT
From: Farhad Abdolian <farhad@ALGONET.SE>
Subject: To be 20 in Tehran

TEHRAN, Jan 29 (AFP) - The boys don baseball caps, the girls
trainers under their black Islamic veils or chadors.
If they can afford it, they'll eat out in one of Tehran's many
burger joints or pizzerias, as trendy as any fast-food eatery in the
West.
Iran's teenagers or 20-somethings are showing scant interest in
the 20th anniversary of the Islamic revolution, for which official
festivities are about to begin.
"Football is my thing," said 18-year-old Mohsen, who is getting
ready to go to university.
His bedroom at home is plastered with posters of Iran's football
stars, especially Ali Daei and Khodadad Azizi, "who were lucky
enough to get taken on by German clubs."
The only picture of an official here is of Iran's reformist
President Mohammad Khatami, voted into office in 1997 by millions of
youngsters who like Mohsen, were eager for change.
"It was the first time I voted in my life. He was the only
person who spoke about young people, so I voted for him," he said.
Last month Khatami again challenged Iran's establishment to pay
greater heed to young people's wishes. "Young people need legitimate
pleasure and we cannot ask them to go only to the mosque," he said.
With about half the population aged 20 or less, Iran has one of
the youngest populations in the world, and Iranians can vote at the
age of 15.
Every day, young people quietly but persistently undermine the
social and religious taboos traditionalists have imposed on Iranian
society since the 1979 Islamic revolution.
Police continue to swoop on house parties in a country where
alcoholic drinks are forbidden and boys and girls must not socialise
outside marriage.
But they can now be seen walking hand in hand in Tehran's parks,
an unthinkable sight a little over a year ago.
The blockbuster film Titanic, seen all over the world, is banned
from Iranian cinema screens, but people have watched the film at
home on thousands of pirate video tapes circulating across the
country, while a government paper even devoted a special report to
what has become the cult film for Iranian youngsters.
"They never knew the shah and have only a vague idea of
Khomeini. After 20 years of the official cult of martyrdom, memories
of the war against Iraq and the exaltation of sacrifice, they just
want to live and have fun," said Dariush, a university lecturer.
Youngsters have their favourite trendy places where they hang
out, such as the Golestan shopping mall in the Shahrak-e-Qods in
northwestern Tehran, where they'll find anything from fake or real
designer clothes to the latest platform shoes.
Another favourite spot is the Capital Computer Complex in posh
northern Tehran, a brand new mall offering the latest computer
equipment and software.
But tough living conditions and simmering discontent are the
order of the day among young people from less privileged
backgrounds.
These are the second generation of the Mostazafan, the
"disinherited" in whose name Khomeini called on people to rise and
topple the Western-backed monarchy.
With unemployment rates running as high as 30 percent in some
poor areas such as Islamshahr in southern Tehran, even scraping
together a marriage dowry is a daunting challenge for many young
people.
Marriage has indeed become a national headache for a country
undergoing one of its toughest recessions, and has prompted special
television programmes on the issue.
Drugs are also increasingly used by the young here, a fact
illustrated by the hauls regularly publicised by the authorities.
On the eve of official celebrations to mark the Islamic regime's
20th birthday, Iran's former middle-of-the-road president, Akbar
Hashemi Rafsanjani, has recognised that Iran's youth is now the main
challenge facing the government.
"We should get the young generation acquainted with the Islamic
revolution if we don't want to see their deviation" under Western
influence, he said.

Date: Sat, 30 Jan 1999 15:44:31 GMT
From: Farhad Abdolian <farhad@ALGONET.SE>
Subject: Iran recruits engineers for nuclear training in Russia

TEHRAN, Jan 29 (AFP) - Iran is recruiting engineers to receive
training in Russia for its controversial Bushehr nuclear plant, just
weeks after Washington stepped up pressure on Moscow to end its
nuclear cooperation with Tehran.
Advertisements published in the Tehran press by the Iranian
Atomic Energy Organization said a total of 225 engineers were needed
with expertise in the fields of nuclear physics, physics, mechanical
engineering and computer science.
The adverts said that the applicants must be Iranian nationals
and that the successful candidates will be sent to Russia for
training after a short period of preparation in Iran.
Once trained the Iranian technicians will take delivery of a
1,000 megawatt pressurised water reactor Russian engineers are
building at Bushehr on Iran's Gulf coast.
Iran and Russia insist that the plant is solely for civil
purposes and conforms to all international laws and
non-proliferation accords.
But Washington is strongly opposed to Moscow's technologicial
collaboration with Tehran, charging that it has resulted in the
transfer of nuclear and missile technology.
Earlier this month it slapped sanctions on three Russian
research institutes and warned that it would also cut space
cooperation if Moscow failed to end technology transfers to the
Islamic republic.
"The economics of working with the US ... are better than with
Iran," US State Department spokesman James Rubin said in a stark
warning that Moscow would have to choose between its lucrative
nuclear cooperation with Tehran and its even more lucrative space
cooperation with Washington.
Under a cooperation accord it signed with Iran in 1995, Russia
agreed to build two pressurised water reactors at Bushehr. Under a
new accord signed last November, Moscow agreed to speed up
completion of the plants.
The project was originally started in the 1970s by the KWU
nuclear subsidiary of giant German combine Siemens but they withdrew
under pressure from Bonn following the 1979 Islamic revolution.

Date: Sat, 30 Jan 1999 15:44:40 GMT
From: Farhad Abdolian <farhad@ALGONET.SE>
Subject: People's Mujahedeen, Iranian government's nemesis

PARIS, Jan 29 (AFP) - The People's Mujahedeen, the main armed
Iranian opposition movement, is the nemesis of Iran's Islamic
regime, but its links with Iraq are damaging to its credibility.
Seventeen years after being chased from Iran by the Islamic
Republic, the Baghdad-based movement, with a formidable propaganda
machine abroad, continues to pose the most significant armed
challenge to the Iranian government.
One of the first acts of Iranian President Mohammad Khatami,
after his election in 1997, was to ask Western governments to ban
Mujahedeen-linked movements from their countries.
The Mujahedeen, in turn, asked Western governments to break off
ties with Tehran.
Iranian leaders consider Mujahedeen chief Massoud Rajavi "a
terrorist with blood on his hands."
Rajavi, in exile in Iraq, calls Tehran the "regime of the
mullahs," accusing it of "terrorism" and responsibility for all that
is wrong in Iran.
For nearly two decades, the Mujahedeen have been predicting the
imminent demise of "the bloody dictatorship" in Tehran.
The Mujahedeen was created in 1965 out of a split in Mehdi
Bazargan's Iranian Freedom Movement. The movement's founders all
perished in the Shah's prisons.
Rajavi, born in 1948, joined the Mujahedeen in 1971. He was
jailed, and freed in January 1979, when he joined the leadership of
the movement which took part in the overthrow of Iran's monarchy.
But after a brief association, Rajavi joined the power struggle
against the partisans of the leader of the Islamic revolution,
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
The ouster of president Abol-Hassan Bani Sadr, who for three
years in the early 1980s was Rajavi's father-in-law, and the
outlawing of the Mujahedeen spelled the end to the group's
aspirations in Iran and began an era of bloody repression.
Rajavi and Bani Sadr fled to France in June 1981. In exile in
the Paris suburb of Auvers-sur-Oise, they set up the National
Council of Resistance of Iran, whose first task was to rally all the
opposition groups abroad.
But the project never got off the ground. The National Council
was totally dominated by the Mujahedeen under the powerful Rajavi.
In 1982 the Mujahedeen and the Tehran regime were in a fight to
the death. The National Council killed hundreds of Islamists in
Iran, and the government hit back with mass arrests and chased
hundreds of Mujahedeen into Iraqi Kurdistan.
Rajavi began his collaboration with Iraq in 1983, when Iran and
Iraq were locked in a long and bloody war, and it was that
collaboration that led to a rupture between Rajavi and Bani Sadr,
who dismissed his former ally's move as "suicidal," an opinion
shared by many in the Iranian opposition.
Rajavi left France in 1986 and set up shop in Iraq where he soon
created the "Iranian National Liberation Army" near the frontier
with Iran.
With its military bases, materiel and tens of thousands of
fighters, the group is today considered the world's largest army in
exile, claiming to have carried out hundreds of operations against
the Iranian army.
Among the Mujahedeen precepts is a primary role for women,
attested to by Myriam Rajavi, the leader's third wife, who is
described as "the future president of the Iranian Republic."

Date: Sat, 30 Jan 1999 15:44:48 GMT
From: Farhad Abdolian <farhad@ALGONET.SE>
Subject: US foreign policy mistakes on Iran haunt Washington

WASHINGTON, Jan 29 (AFP) - Twenty years after Iran's Islamic
revolution took an unprepared US government by surprise, the
implications of that foreign policy failure continue to haunt
Washington, according to analysts and scholars.
While relations with the oil-rich, strategic Gulf country appear
now to be creeping forward, the legacy of the mistakes committed
there by former president Jimmy Carter's administration still color
the mistrust and ill-will between Washington and Tehran, they say.
In the two decades since since Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini made
his triumphant return to Tehran, the stubborn tenacity with which
Carter stuck to the repressive and unpopular Shah of Iran is still
considered to be the core of the problem.
"Carter must ultimately be held responsible for the confused and
confusing policy that contributed to the disastrous foreign policy
loss in Iran," said Iran scholar James Bill.
He noted that decades of American "cultural influence and
arrogance" generated US foreign policy problems in Iran, but said
Carter piled mistake upon mistake, worsening the mess.
"We should have been more sensitive to the religious leaders,"
Bill said in an interview this week from his office at the College
of William and Mary in Virginia.
"We should have been more aware of the fact that the Iranian
masses were about to explode. We were very busily hobnobbing with
the Iranian elite ... and when (it) crumbled from below we were the
last people to know."
Others are less critical than Bill but still believe major
errors were made.
"The US did fail to see obvious signs of (the shah's) weakness,
but so did everyone else," said Anthony Cordesman, a senior fellow
at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in
Washington.
"I don't think the policy was fundamentally flawed, but we made
a mistake which is scarcely unique to the United States," he said.
"We dealt with the Iran that we wanted to exist rather than with
the Iran that did exist and when the policy ran into problems and
began to fail, we didn't react in time, we didn't know what to do."
Some, like Richard Murphy, former assistant secretary of state
for Mideast and South Asia during the 1980s, hold that the Iranians
are not blameless for the ongoing suspicion and mistrust.
"There were mistakes on both sides," Murphy said from his New
York office, noting in particular the storming of the US embassy in
Tehran in November 1979 and the ensuing hostage crisis that
traumatized Americans.
"That started the downward spiral which basically continued into
the miserable, venomous relations we have had for the better part of
the last 20 years."
While agreeing that US intransigence in its support of the shah
hurt, Murphy maintains that the Iranian opposition misjudged the
influence Washington had on him on Iran's domestic policy.
Still, even with possible misjudgments by the Iranians, stories
of US foreign policy missteps and blunders from the era are legion,
with Carter's 1978 New Year's toast to the shah perhaps the most
infamous.
At a time when opposition to the shah's autocratic regime had
already built to an immense level in all corners of Iranian society,
Carter praised Iran as "an island of stability in one of the more
troubled areas of the world."
Nine months later, the shah declared martial law and three
months after that, he fled the country as the opposition united
around Khomeini, a man virtually unknown to Washington with whom the
administration had rejected any contact.
"It was a major setback," said Kenneth Katzman, senior Middle
East analyst at the Congressional Research Service.
"Had we not viewed the Khomeini people as the devil incarnate,
we might have had the ability to minimize the damage," he said.
"We should have reached out much earlier to the Islamic
forces."
The ill will between Tehran's Islamic leadership and the
successive Reagan, Bush and Clinton administrations is only just now
beginning to ease with the election of a moderate Iranian
president.
Some who served in senior positions under Carter, including
former secretary of state Cyrus Vance who participated in the
decision to sever ties with Iran and then resigned over the hostage
rescue debacle, are now pushing a fuller rapprochement with Tehran.
"I have watched from the sidelines with frustration and sadness
as relations between our two countries plunged into increasing
hostility, mistrust, name-calling and mutual recrimination," Vance
said earlier this month in New York.
He said restoring ties would help heal the wounds but admitted
it would require "political will with a leap of faith."

Date: Sat, 30 Jan 1999 15:44:54 GMT
From: Farhad Abdolian <farhad@ALGONET.SE>
Subject: Iran demands US apology, compensation

TEHRAN, Iran, Jan. 28 (UPI) -- Iran is demanding an official apology
and compensation from the United States for striking within its borders
during last month's U.S.-British military attack against Iraq.
Officials in the capital, Tehran, said Foreign Minister Kamal
Kharrazi sent a letter to U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan protesting
U.S. missiles that landed near the Iranian town of Khoramshahr near the
Iraqi border during the bombing campaign.
They said the minister requested Annan's intervention with Washington
to ensure that such incidents do not happen again.
Kharrazi told the Paris-based Monte Carlo Radio today that ``Iran
cannot tolerate such actions. This is a clear violation of Iranian
sovereignty.''
He said: ``The U.S. should take full responsibility and to compensate
Iran for the material and moral damages'' as a result of the missiles
that hit Iranian territories.

Date: Sat, 30 Jan 1999 15:45:13 GMT
From: Farhad Abdolian <farhad@ALGONET.SE>
Subject: Three die in Iran helicopter crash

TEHRAN, Jan 28 (AFP) - A helicopter has crashed in southern
Iran, killing three of those on board, a newspaper reported
Thursday.
Kayhan daily said the helicopter crashed near an airport in
Shiraz, the main city in the southern province of Fars, but did not
give the date of the accident.
A team has been dispatched to the area to investigate the cause
of the crash.

Date: Sat, 30 Jan 1999 15:45:05 GMT
From: Farhad Abdolian <farhad@ALGONET.SE>
Subject: Iran rejects EU fact-finding mission

TEHRAN, Iran, Jan. 28 (UPI) -- Iran has refused a European Union
decision to send a fact-finding mission to investigate the recent
killings of Iranian political activists and liberal writers.
Spokesman of Iran's Foreign Ministry Hamidreza Assefi said the
Iranian ambassador to Belgium and the EU has been informed not to
receive a EU memorandum expressing readiness to send the team to Tehran.
Assefi was quoted by the official Iranian News Agency as saying that
Tehran ``strongly refuses to allow interference in its internal affaires
by any party.''
Early this week, Europe's parliament passed a resolution, expressing
willingness to send a fact-finding team to Iran for an inquest into the
recent assassinations.
A number of political activists and liberal writers were killed in
Tehran in vague circumstances at the end of last year, prompting Iranian
authorities to accuse ``foreign services'' of being behind the killings.
A number of officials at Iran's Security Ministry have been arrested
on charges of involvement in the assassinations and were expected to be
tried.

Date: Sat, 30 Jan 1999 21:05:36 +0000
From: "a.abdi" <a.abdi@BTINTERNET.COM>
Subject: Dr Peyman: An Islamic View of the Rule of the People.

An Islamic View of the Rule of the People.

http://members.xoom.com/asghar1/JonbeshPlus.html

The files are 1.3, 2.1, and 2.3 Megabites

Date: Sun, 31 Jan 1999 00:22:25 +0000
From: "a.abdi" <a.abdi@BTINTERNET.COM>
Subject: Sakineh Abdi's interview with BBC]

The Governor of Shabostar rejected Sakineh Abdi's nomination for the
coming elections of Councils. Tahereh Abdi, the other sister decided to

withdraw from the election for the similar reasons.

Asghar


An open letter to the Interior Ministry

http://www.btinternet.com/~a.abdi/sakineh1.PDF


Khordad Newspaper presents Sakineh Abdi's interview with BBC


http://www.btinternet.com/~a.abdi/sakineh2.PDF

br> Re-typed copy of Khordad's article


http://www.btinternet.com/~a.abdi/sakineh3.PDF