Date: Feb 11, 1999 [ 0: 0: 0]

Subject: DNI-NEWS Digest - 9 Feb 1999 to 10 Feb 1999

From: Automatic digest processor

Return-Path: <owner-DNI-NEWS@D-N-I.ORG>
Delivered-To: farhad@ALGONET.SE
Received: (qmail 27768 invoked from network); 11 Feb 1999 09:00:13 +0100
Received: from (
by with SMTP; 11 Feb 1999 09:00:13 +0100
Received: from simorgh (simorgh [])
by (8.8.6/8.8.6) with ESMTP id AAA08084;
Thu, 11 Feb 1999 00:00:01 -0800 (PST)
Message-Id: <>
Date: Thu, 11 Feb 1999 00:00:00 -0800
Reply-To: dni-disc@D-N-I.ORG
Sender: DNI news list <DNI-NEWS@D-N-I.ORG>
From: Automatic digest processor <D-N-I@D-N-I.ORG>
Subject: DNI-NEWS Digest - 9 Feb 1999 to 10 Feb 1999
To: Recipients of DNI-NEWS digests <DNI-NEWS@D-N-I.ORG>

There are 3 messages totalling 240 lines in this issue.

Topics of the day:

1. Analysis-Iranian System Yields Slow Reform
2. New York/Friday Feb. 12/ Barnameh Arash Forouhar
3. Change of email


Date: Wed, 10 Feb 1999 14:51:07 +0100
From: Jamshid Naghizadeh <janakgf1@W200ZRZ.ZRZ.TU-BERLIN.DE>
Subject: Analysis-Iranian System Yields Slow Reform

TEHRAN, Feb 10 (Reuters) - The French call it cohabitation.
Americans speak of "checks and balances."
Iran's hybrid system of power-sharing among multiple
competing institutions may be unique in its complexity, but
the constitution adopted after the 1979 Islamic revolution
has thrown up obstacles to change familiar in many

Twenty years after the pro-Western Shah's dictatorship was
overthrown in bloody street protests, the political system
established by the Shi'ite Moslem revolutionaries has proved
enduring but unstable, permitting gradual reform but at a
pace increasingly out of step with this young society's
expectations, Iranian analysts say.

Large crowds are expected to throng Tehran's Azadi Square on
Thursday to mark the 20th anniversary at a rally addressed
by President Mohammad Khatami, but while few challenge the
legitimacy of the Islamic republic, a growing number sound
dissatisfied with its economic failures and the slowness of
social change.

As in Paris and Washington, the directly-elected president
can sometimes double as leader of the opposition when
parliament is controlled by his political opponents,
shredding his budget plans or impeaching his ministers.

"It is a bit like France's cohabitation except that power is
even more widely dispersed here," a European diplomat said.

"They are constantly passing the buck between institutions
on difficult issues. It takes ages and sometimes an acute
crisis before they reach a compromise."

Trapped in the institutional gridlock are such vital issues
as whether a vast, inefficient public sector should be
broken up and privatised, whether foreign investment should
be permitted and with what limits, whether the revolutionary
foundations that own large chunks of the economy should pay
tax, and who, if anyone, should be empowered to sack a
corrupt judge.

"We have several independent institutions with different
functions, all linked together like the planets in a solar
system," said Ayatollah Abbas Ali Amid Zanjani, a law
professor and former head of parliament's legal committee.
"This government structure really can respond to the changes
required by society because it is chosen by the people."

The cleric acknowledged that Iran's division of authority
often resulted in paralysis, but he said: "This was a gift
from the political culture of the West, and we are really
suffering from it."

Iran's version of the separation of powers, more democratic
than most in the Middle East, often looks more like a solar
Big Bang, with stars hurtling in opposite directions, than a
heavenly order.

"The problem in Iran is that power is dual. One form of
legitimacy is drawn from the people through elections and
another comes from religion," said Abbas Abdi, one of the
Islamic militants who occupied the U.S. embassy in Tehran in
1979 but is now a leading libertarian reformer. "You had
this once in Europe in the confrontation between the king
and the head of the church."

Revolutionary and classical government institutions coexist
uneasily, with Soviet-style Islamic ideological commissars
operating inside ministries, the security forces,
universities and companies.

The 1979 constitution, while enshrining many democratic
elements, reserved supreme power for Ayatollah Ruhollah
Khomeini, the charismatic Shi'ite Moslem religious leader of
the revolution, under a system known as "velayat-e faqih."

Today power is dispersed between his traditionalist
successor, Ayatollah Ali Khameinei, who does not enjoy
Khomeini's unchallenged moral authority, reformist President
Khatami, who won a landslide victory against the
establishment candidate in 1997, a conservative-dominated
parliament elected in 1996, and an arch-conservative
Guardian Council of Islamic scholars who vet all legislation
to ensure its conformity with Islam.

To break the logjams, an Expediency Council headed by
ex-president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and encompassing the
president, parliament speaker and some 30 senior political
and religious figures, tries to build consensus, resolve
conflicts and give advice to the supreme leader.

While the economy grinds ever slower, inflation and
unemployment soar and ordinary Iranians struggle to make
ends meet, the political leadership is forever creating new
councils to resolve disputes between one committee and

The judiciary is in the hands of clerical hardliners, but
Khatami has made some progress in gaining a share of control
over the security forces and intelligence services.

After the startling admission last month that intelligence
agents were responsible for the murder of several dissident
intellectuals, Khatami accepted the resignation of
Intelligence Minister Qorbanali Dorri Najafabadi on Tuesday
and was expected to appoint the chief military judge who
investigated the case as his successor.

Parliament last year impeached one of Khatami's two key
reformist allies, Interior Minister Abdollah Nouri, and the
judiciary ousted popular reformist Tehran mayor

Karbashchi, sentencing him to a five-year prison term and
lashes for alleged corruption.

But Khatami appointed Nouri a vice-president and helped keep
Karbashchi out of jail pending an appeal.

"It is hard to avoid the cliche of two steps forward and one
step back," a senior Western diplomat commented. "There's a
strong muddle factor here, but overall, reforms are still
going forward and the tide seems to have turned in Khatami's

Because of the separation of powers, few voters yet seem to
blame the president for the economic crisis, exacerbated by
falling oil prices.

But some analysts believe the hardliners are resisting
economic reform not only because it strikes at their vested
interests in the revolutionary foundations and state
companies, but also in the hope of embarrassing Khatami and
winning the next parliament election.

While such tactics would be familiar to any student of U.S.
or French politics, in Iran they run the risk of undermining
public support for the whole Islamic government system.

Copyright 1999 Reuters Limited.All rights reserved.


Date: Wed, 10 Feb 1999 11:09:46 EST
Subject: New York/Friday Feb. 12/ Barnameh Arash Forouhar

This is a multi-part message in MIME format.

Content-ID: <>
Content-type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII

Subj: Barnameh Arash Forouhar
Date: 2/10/99 12:27:30 AM Eastern Standard Time
From: MGam97
CC: com
CC:,, KamJam

Doostane Aziz:

Barnameh Arash Forouhar :

Friday Feb. 12, 1999
Time: 6:30 -9 p.m.

Columbia University
Mathematics Building, Room 203
( Broadway & 116 th. Street, Manhattan, NY )

Be omid didar.

Kanoon-e Iran

Content-ID: <>
Content-type: message/rfc822
Content-transfer-encoding: 7bit
Content-disposition: inline

Return-path: <>
Subject: Barnameh Arash Forouhar
Date: Wed, 10 Feb 1999 00:27:30 EST
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII
Content-transfer-encoding: 7bit

Doostane Aziz:

Barnameh Arash Forouhar :

Friday Feb. 12, 1999
Time: 6:30 -9 p.m.

Columbia University
Mathematics Building, Room 203
( Broadway & 116 th. Street, Manhattan, NY )

Be omid didar.

Kanoon-e Iran



Date: Wed, 10 Feb 1999 13:40:27 -0800
From: Mo Salemy <mosalemy@DIRECT.CA>
Subject: Change of email

my email will be changed within the next two days. As much as you all want
me to quit, I would like to remain in this foroum, so dear farhad, could
you please change my membership to this account:

thank you very much (BTW, I can help out with website maintenance if you WANT)



End of DNI-NEWS Digest - 9 Feb 1999 to 10 Feb 1999