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Subject: DNI-NEWS Digest - 28 Mar 1999 to 29 Mar 1999 - Special issue

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Subject: DNI-NEWS Digest - 28 Mar 1999 to 29 Mar 1999 - Special issue
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There are 11 messages totalling 1264 lines in this issue.

Topics in this special issue:

1. Iran Summons Yugoslav Envoy Over Kosovo Killings
2. Murder of Dissidents Stirs Action by Iranians
3. Iranian, Russian Foreign Ministers Discuss ...
4. Iran Urges Yugoslavia to Respect MUSLIM'S Right
5. Russia, Iran Call for End to NATO Air Raids on Yug
6. Policy Briefing: Energy
7. The Old Tie That Caught Tehran's Eye
8. U.S. Military Actions Since Vietnam
9. Investigation Veterans Back Counsel Law
10. A Plot That Backfired on Killers
11. Controversial Plan to Arm Kosovar Rebels Draws Fir

----------------------------------------------------------------------

Date: Mon, 29 Mar 1999 02:28:46 EDT
From: Bobby Iri <Bobby@WWW.DCI.CO.IR>
Subject: Iran Summons Yugoslav Envoy Over Kosovo Killings

Iran Summons Yugoslav Envoy Over Kosovo Killings
================================================


01:09 a.m. Mar 27, 1999 Eastern
TEHRAN, March 27 (Reuters) - The Iranian foreign ministry has
summoned the Yugoslav charge d'affaires in Tehran to protest
against reported killings of ethnic Albanian Moslems in Kosovo
by Serbs, the official IRNA news agency said on Saturday.

The ministry expressed Iran's concern over extremist Serbs'
suppression of Moslems, IRNA said, after the meeting late on
Friday.

Iran, which currently heads the Organisation of the Islamic
Conference, asked the envoy to immediately convey its concerns
to his government over the reported killings, in apparent
revenge for NATO's air attacks on Yugoslav targets.

Iran urged Yugoslavia to put a stop to the killings.

There were unconfirmed reports of massacres of Albanian Moslems
by Serbian irregulars in the Yugoslav province of Kosovo.
IRNA said that Iran's mission in Belgrade was working as usual
but had helped repatriate 100 Iranian students following NATO
strikes against the Yugoslav capital.


Copyright 1999 Reuters Limited.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 29 Mar 1999 02:29:50 EDT
From: Bobby Iri <Bobby@WWW.DCI.CO.IR>
Subject: Murder of Dissidents Stirs Action by Iranians

Murder of Dissidents Stirs Action by Iranians
=============================================


By John Daniszewski / Los Angeles Times

TEHRAN, Iran -- There are some events whose significance is
knowable only in retrospect. The death last year of Mohammed
Jafar Pouyandeh may well have been one of those occurrences: the
murder of an obscure translator that could mark a turning point
for Iran.
Pouyandeh, who was little known outside of a small circle of
intellectuals and writers, was abducted, strangled and dumped
along a railroad track in December.
He was the last of at least six Iranian dissidents who
disappeared, were slain or died under suspicious circumstances
in the waning days of 1998.
The perpetrators of the crimes apparently intended to sow terror
among their political opponents, but the opposite happened.
Iranian society recoiled. Complaints appeared in the media.
President Mohammad Khatami's hand was strengthened to do what he
could not before: take on the security apparatus; fire the
minister of intelligence; and demand accountability and rule of
law for the country's shadowy secret police units and their
allies.
This month, as Khatami basks in a landslide victory by moderates
in municipal elections that could augur a similar defeat for
hard-liners in parliament next year, it seems fitting to
remember Pouyandeh, an anonymous hero who gave his life for
freedom.
To be sure, the victory of moderates over the hard-liners -- who
distrust democracy and want to maintain a mullah-run state
hostile to the West -- is not complete. It is conceivable that
there could still be a backlash against Khatami and that
conservatives may still prevail in their ongoing political war.
But like the 1977 death in police custody of anti-apartheid
activist Steve Biko in South Africa or the 1984 murder of the
anti-Communist Father Jerzy Popieluszko along a Polish highway,
the eradication of Pouyandeh and the other intellectuals has
become for many Iranians the symbol for the brutality that must
be stamped out of their system.
It was the 18th of Azar on the Iranian calendar, Dec. 9 in the
West.
At 3 p.m., on a cold, clear Wednesday, Pouyandeh left his office
at the Cultural Research Center in downtown Tehran. The
quasi-public institution, housed in a small gray building on a
busy street, periodically issues books on Iranian culture. As is
the case at most official institutions, one of the last things
Pouyandeh would have seen before he walked out the door was a
portrait of Iran's bearded, turbaned supreme leader, the
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
It had been a normal day for Pouyandeh. Up early enough to see
Nazanin, his 17-year-old daughter, off to school at the music
university. Then a glass of tea and some cookies for breakfast
with his wife, Sima, a teacher of nursing, before they parted
for work.
Their apartment was tiny, reflecting small incomes: one room
that served as living room, dining room and study; a kitchen;
two small bedrooms, heated by a radiator in the foyer where a
kettle for tea was kept warm. The most notable feature was its
books, crammed on bookshelves -- mainly Persian-language works,
but also English, French and German tomes of philosophy,
sociology and literature, and dictionaries in all four
languages.
The morning was normal, but Pouyandeh's state of mind was not.
He was in a "twilight zone," said his wife. His close friend and
collaborator, poet Mohammed Mokhtari, had disappeared six days
before, and Pouyandeh was worried about his own safety.
Throughout the day that her husband disappeared, Sima Pouyandeh
was filled with anxiety. She had had a premonition that morning
that the parting might be their last. Although it was a clear
day, she recalled later, "Inside me it was raining."
Mokhtari and Pouyandeh were members of a committee seeking to
resuscitate the Iranian Writers' Association, a
cultural-professional guild that had not been permitted to meet
since the early days of the Iranian Revolution. They had been
summoned, along with four other committee members, to appear
before the Revolutionary Court in October. There they had been
interrogated and warned to drop the effort, which they had
agreed to do.
Nevertheless, Pouyandeh had gotten some unwelcome publicity from
the incident, and a right-wing newspaper had attacked him
personally, issuing a veiled threat. Pouyandeh, according to his
wife, believed that Mokhtari had been arrested and he feared he
could be next. In a country like Iran, he felt painfully
vulnerable.
"He was anxious and pale and asking what should be done," Sima
Pouyandeh recounted. "He talked to other writers and asked ...
but no one could tell him what he should do. There was no one to
turn to.
Her husband felt no recourse but to go on with his normal
routine.
The evening of Dec. 9, Sami Pouyandeh returned at about 7 p.m.
and found her daughter in tears.
"When I returned from my job and saw that my husband had not
returned I was really worried," she recalled. "He was supposed
to be home at 5 o'clock."
She began phoning around to places she thought her husband might
be. The evening was especially difficult because at 4 p.m.
authorities had announced that the body of Mokhtari had been
found. Thinking her husband may have gone to Mokhtari's house to
offer sympathy, she telephoned there. No sign of him. She also
called others who had been at a publishers' meeting her husband
was to have attended after work.
No one had seen Pouyandeh.
"I thought he must have been arrested. I called all the police
stations and hospitals around his office," she said. "I was
crying. I was begging them to do something. ... I even called to
the president's office and asked them to close the roads out of
Tehran. By then I was sure that he was grabbed during the day."
Seated in their apartment next to a black-bordered portrait of
her husband, a vigorous-looking man with a high forehead and
dark, penetrating eyes, Sami Pouyandeh last month recalled her
fruitless efforts to find him on that first night and the
following day. She had gone to police headquarters with his
photograph, which was faxed to other police stations. Then she
toured the morgue.
"They showed me all the bodies," she said. "It was very awful. I
was crying during the whole time."
It was not until 10 p.m. on Saturday that she got word of her
husband. Police in Shariyar, outside Tehran, called to say that
they had found a body on Thursday fitting his description.
She arrived in Shariyar around midnight, only to be told that
the body had been moved to Tehran. The next day, her brother
made the identification; she could not face looking at the body
herself.
At that time, all she knew was that her husband bore marks of
strangulation. But in the weeks that followed, she learned more
of his fate.
According to a colleague of her husband, a white Peykan -- an
Iranian make of automobile ubiquitous on Tehran's streets -- had
been parked outside Pouyandeh's office on the day he was seized.
When Pouyandeh came out shortly before 3 p.m., one of the
occupants stepped from the car and spoke to him. Pouyandeh
showed his identification card.
When the man demanded that Pouyandeh get in the car, he
resisted. Voices were raised. Then three men manhandled him into
the vehicle.
"People saw and no one acted," Sami Pouyandeh said. "They just
wrote down the number of the license plate."
The disappearance of Pouyandeh on the same day that Mokhtari's
body was found sent shock waves through Iranian society when it
was reported in independent media over the subsequent days.
Rumors began to circulate of death squads and blacklists. A
thousand students demonstrated at Tehran University, demanding
that the head of the Intelligence Ministry resign.
In response to this growing public pressure, Khatami appointed a
commission headed by a senior military judge to investigate the
killings.
The commission reported its findings to Khatami's inner Cabinet
less than a month later. Its conclusion: Agents of the
Intelligence Ministry had carried out the killings of Pouyandeh,
Mokhtari and the Foruhars, an elderly couple who opposed the
Iranian regime.
"It was not good news," said Khatami's Cabinet chief, Mohammed
Ali Abtahi. But it was not a great surprise either, he conceded.
"This was not far from our minds."
In the months before his abduction, Pouyandeh had been
translating into Farsi a book on the history of the U.N.'s
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Coincidentally, that book
was published on the day he disappeared. The day his body was
found, Dec. 10, was the 50th anniversary of the declaration's
adoption by the General Assembly.
Thousands came to Pouyandeh's funeral, including prominent
writers, journalists and opposition activists. Sami Pouyandeh
delivered a eulogy.
"My husband's life served two aims -- freedom and the truth,"
she said. "For certain, he was a hero, because he gave his life
for freedom of thought and freedom of speech."
His greatest legacy may be that on March 4 the Iranian Writers'
Association -- the group that he and Mokhtari had fought to
revive -- held its first meeting since the early 1980s. Seventy
members assembled legally and openly, with police protection.
But none of this eases the pain of the 36-year-old Pouyandeh,
who met her husband when she was just 18 and was married to him
within months.
"In my opinion, it is not possible to predict the future of
Iran, because one day I woke up and found that my husband had
been killed....
"A place that should protect the security of the state and its
citizens has been transformed into a place of murderers."


Copyright 1999, The Detroit News.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 29 Mar 1999 02:30:06 EDT
From: Bobby Iri <Bobby@WWW.DCI.CO.IR>
Subject: Iranian, Russian Foreign Ministers Discuss ...

Iranian, Russian Foreign Ministers Discuss Kosovo Crisis
========================================================


thr 001
iran-russia-kosovo
iranian, russian foreign ministers discuss kosovo crisis
tehran, march 28, irna -- iranian foreign minister kamal kharrazi
in a telephone contact with his russian counterpart igor ivanov
monday evening discussed the kosovo crisis.
during their talks, the iranian foreign minister called on his
russian counterpart to persuade belgrade to respect the fundamental
rights of the muslim people of kosovo through making use of the
traditional influence of russia with yugoslavia.
kharrazi said that the islamic countries could no longer witness
the violation of the muslims of kosovo and iran, in its capacity as
the head of the organization of islamic countries, is prepared to take
any initiative to curb the current crisis and safeguard the rights of
muslims notably with a view to the fact that the crisis is feared to
involve other regions.
kharrazi added that in spite of the illegality of the current nato
attacks, the crisis is rooted in the stubbornness of the belgrade
government as well as in lack of any guarantee to safeguard the
rights of kosovo muslims.
the russian foreign minister in the telephone contact thanked iran
for its initiative and said moscow believes that talks between kosovo
and belgrade should go on and the rights of muslim people of kosovo
should be respected by allowing a high degree of autonomy. ivanov said
that russia would make every effort in this respect, adding however
that the nato's wilful military action is not sanctioned by the u.n.
security council and should be stopped.
hm/hm
end
::irna 28/03/99 02:01

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 29 Mar 1999 02:30:20 EDT
From: Bobby Iri <Bobby@WWW.DCI.CO.IR>
Subject: Iran Urges Yugoslavia to Respect MUSLIM'S Right

Iran Urges Yugoslavia to Respect MUSLIM'S Right
===============================================
Xinhua
28-MAR-99

TEHRAN (March 28) XINHUA - Iran has called on Russia to exert
influence on Yugoslavia into respecting the rights of the Muslim
ethnic Albanians in the Serbian province of Kosovo.

In a telephone conversations with his Russian counterpart Igor
Ivanov Saturday evening, Iranian Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi
said that Islamic countries could no longer witness the
violation of the Muslims in Kosovo, the Islamic Republic News
Agency reported Sunday.

Kharrazi said that Iran, the current president of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference, is prepared to take any
initiative to curb the current crisis and safeguard the rights
of the Kosovo Albanians.

Condemning the ongoing attacks by the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) on Yugoslavia as illegal, Kharrazi also took
aims at the Belgrade government for its "stubbornness" and lack
of guarantee to safeguard the rights of Kosovo Albanians.
Ivanov said in reply that Moscow believes the talks between
Kosovo and Belgrade should go on and the rights of ethnic
Albanians, who make up 90 percent of the Kosovo population,
should be respected through a high degree of autonomy.

However, he underlined the NATO military action is not
sanctioned by the United Nations Security Council and should be
stopped.

Following the NATO airstrikes on Yugoslavia and the intensified
clashes between the Kosovo Albanians with Serbian forces, the
Iranian Foreign Ministry on Friday summoned the Yugoslav charge
a'affaires to Tehran to protest the killings of ethnic Albanians
in Kosovo by Serb forces.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 29 Mar 1999 02:30:32 EDT
From: Bobby Iri <Bobby@WWW.DCI.CO.IR>
Subject: Russia, Iran Call for End to NATO Air Raids on Yug

Russia, Iran Call for End to NATO Air Raids on Yugoslavia
=========================================================


Itar-Tass
28-MAR-99

TEHERAN, March 28 (Itar-Tass) - Russian and Iranian foreign
ministers Igor Ivanov and Kamal Harrazi called for putting an
end to the NATO air raids on Yugoslavia, "running counter to the
U.N. Charter and international law as a whole".

A statement, circulated here on Sunday by the Iranian Foreign
Ministry, notes that Ivanov and Harrazi pointed, in a phone talk
on Saturday evening, to the need for the earliest resumption of
the political dialogue to achieve an agreement on granting broad
autonomy to the Kosovo province within Yugoslavia.

On Saturday, the Russian Foreign Ministry information
directorate reported a telephone talk between Ivanov and
Harrazi. In the opinion of the Russian and Iranian ministers,
the Kosovo problem can be settled only politically.

The talks should be resumed to reach such understandings which
would grant broad autonomy to Kosovo in the framework of
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Yugoslavia, the
directorate's report said.

At the same time, the Iranian Foreign Ministry summoned on
Saturday the Yugoslav charge d'affaires to Iran and expressed a
protest in connection with reports on massacres of Kosovo
Albanians by Serbian troops.

The INA news agency reported that the Iranian Foreign Ministry
expressed deep concern over "ethnic purges and executions,
committed by Serbian extremists".

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 29 Mar 1999 02:31:18 EDT
From: Bobby Iri <Bobby@WWW.DCI.CO.IR>
Subject: Policy Briefing: Energy

Policy Briefing: Energy
=======================


Is our dependency on foreign oil a threat to our national
security? We Must Not Rely On Enemies for Energy

By Rep. Max Sandlin
from Roll Call Inc.

In the late 1970s, our nation felt the sting of foreign oil
dependence. Gas lines were long, prices were high, the future of
the domestic industry was uncertain - and the public cried out
for change.
Members of Congress recognized that price instability and
uncertainty of supply placed both our public and our government
in a precarious position - our dependence on foreign oil had
become a threat to our national security.

At the height of this 1970s crisis, the United States imported
46 percent of its oil supply. Today, it is estimated that the
United States imports approximately 51 percent of all energy
used in this country. The domestic oil and gas industry is in
decay. There have been thousands of layoffs. The rig count is at
an all-time low and continues to drop.

Again, our dependence on foreign energy has become a national
security concern. Ridiculously, we are in many cases depending
upon our enemies for a supply of petroleum.

Our country has been in this position before. The Islamic
Revolution in Iran in 1979 should have taught us an important
lesson about foreign oil dependence. Suddenly, a nation which
was a major supplier of U.S. foreign oil was in the hands of
extremists able to cut off the supply of our nation's oil. These
extremists could flood the world market and drive down the price
of American crude oil or at any time shut off their portion of
the world's oil supply.
Our domestic industry was expected to compete with a foreign
government that had low costs and unlimited supplies. The U.S.
government offered no protection and no encouragement to our own
producers. We were in a position of depending upon Iran for
energy.

Our dependence on the whims of foreign governments continues
today. Under the United Nations' "oil for food" program, Saddam
Hussein is allowed to sell $10.4 billion of oil annually to
purchase food and medicine for the Iraqi people - a noble
gesture. However, with today's low oil prices, this alleged cap
is no cap at all.

Even with its best efforts, Iraq could not produce this amount
of oil prior to the Persian Gulf War. Saddam Hussein can
effectively control the world's oil prices while food and
medicine - which will never be delivered to the Iraqi people -
pile up in warehouses.

What will he do next? There is already evidence that he is
illegally exporting as many as 100,000 barrels of oil a day.
Will he flood the world's oil market and drive down the price of
oil so low that he permanently disables his enemies, such as the
United States? Or, alternatively, should we help create and
maintain a strong domestic oil and gas industry to protect the
national interests of this country?

The United States has approximately 600,000 oil wells in
operation today. Nearly 500,000 of those wells produce less than
three barrels per day - making our oil the most cost-sensitive
and price-sensitive in the world. (Compare this to Saudi Arabia
where the average oil well produces more than 5,000 barrels of
oil per day.)

The National Petroleum Council reported that marginal wells
"produce 700 million barrels of oil equivalent per year. This is
one-third of lower-48 onshore domestic productions and
represents $10 billion of avoided imports each year. These wells
contribute nearly 80,000 jobs and generate close to $14 billion
per year in economic activity." Obviously, we have to maintain
this production and this capability.

Congress can help in this regard by approving tax credits for
existing marginal wells. Allowing a $3-per-barrel credit for the
first three barrels of daily production and a 50-cent credit for
the first 18 Mcf of natural gas, phased in and out incrementally
as prices rise and fall, will ensure that the United States
maintains this current production. We must maintain our
production because once a well is shut in, its production and
valuable resources are lost forever.

Further, we must continue to fill our Strategic Petroleum
Reserve. Congress authorized the SPR in 1975 to protect our
nation following the economic effects of the 1973-1974 oil
embargo. I fully support the administration's initiative to
partially refill the reserve. However, I believe we can go even
further. Replenishing the reserve with even more royalty oil
will cut down on the supply that has been flooding the market,n on the
supply that has been flooding the market,
and it is only logical for our country that the reserves be
increased when prices are at an all-time low. We will save
taxpayers millions of dollars while we increase our national
security.

There are many other steps we can take. We can treat geological
and geophysical costs as deductible rather than as capital
expenditures. We can offer tax incentives to bring back into
production inactive wells. We can eliminate the net-income
limitation on percentage depletion. In summary, we should offer
incentives to explore - not penalties to produce.

And, finally, we must do something to stabilize pricing and
discourage excessive imports. We must develop a policy that
protects our national security by recognizing and internalizing
the true costs of imported oil, thereby stabilizing oil markets
at levels where our domestic industry can at least compete with
foreign governments in a realistic way.

Algeria, Iraq, Libya, Iran and Nigeria are all planning to
increase production. Already, our economic security and national
security is threatened by importing more than half the oil we
use, and economists say that figure could rise to more than 70
percent by 2015. The resulting negative balance of payments saps
long-term economic strength and places our nation in grave
danger.

Our domestic industry has tried to do its part against
increasing odds. It's time for us to do our part and preserve
and defend this important and vital resource. Our national
defense depends on it.


Rep. Max Sandlin (D-Texas) is a member of the Transportation and
Infrastructure Committee.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 29 Mar 1999 02:32:02 EDT
From: Bobby Iri <Bobby@WWW.DCI.CO.IR>
Subject: The Old Tie That Caught Tehran's Eye

A LOOK AT . . . THE IRANIAN STALEMATE: The Old Tie That Caught
Tehran's Eye
==============================================================

By Sean Boyne
Washington Post
Sunday, March 28, 1999; Page B03

When I arrived in Iran late last month, people were still
marveling over one detail of the recent elections--Sadegh
Samii's sposters. People had stared in disbelief at the posters
on walls in downtown Tehran. They bore a picture of Samii, a
candidate for the local council, wearing an item of clothing
they had not seen in regular use since the Islamic revolution 20
years before.

Samii was wearing a necktie.

Neckties have been taboo in Iran since the Ayatollah Ruhollah
Khomeini ousted the shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, in 1979. They
were seen as symbols of Western decadence. If you wanted to
emphasize you were a fervent Muslim in tune with the revolution,
you not only grew a beard, you also made sure your wardrobe
didn't include any ties.

The elections were the first local elections since the
revolution, and supporters of reform-minded President Mohammed
Khatemi swept the boards.

Samii's gesture may have been a small one but it was also in a
sense revolutionary. At a diplomatic dinner party in Tehran, all
the talk was of Samii. "Have you heard about the guy with the
tie?" one foreign diplomat asked me eagerly, with a mixture of
awe and amusement.

I wondered if anything had happened to Samii. Had the religious
police come knocking on his door? So I called and asked him.

Samii turns out to be from an old Tehran family. He speaks
English with an upper-class British accent, and seemed friendly
and outgoing. The 53-year-old banker and publisher was wondering
what all the fuss was about. He patiently explained to me that
wearing a tie was no brave gesture of defiance on his part. He
had been wearing one for 40 years, since he was a schoolboy, he
said, and had gotten used to it.

Okay, I reckoned, he may have gotten away with wearing a tie in
private. But displaying posters of himself in one was a
different matter. Wasn't he inviting some kind of retaliation?

"People say wearing a tie is outlawed by the criminal code but
I've never seen any such law in print. Nobody reacted negatively
to my posters--neither the public nor people in authority," he
assured me. "I didn't get elected. . . . But I did come in 31st
out of 4,763 candidates, which is not bad at all."

Samii is, in a way, a symbol of the more open society that is
taking shape under the reforming guidance of Khatemi. During my
10 days in Iran, I came across many other such examples.

An affluent young trader in Tehran's teeming downtown bazaar
noted a change in the way many women are wearing the obligatory
veil. "A few years ago, they all had the veil pulled down over
their foreheads. But since Khatemi came in, many women,
especially the younger ones, have pushed the veil back a couple
of inches, showing part of their hair. Maybe, next year, they
will not be forced to wear the veil at all," he said.

Another sign of the new openness is the increasing number of
young people using the Internet. There are now at least five
Internet cafes in Tehran. I visited one of the first to
open--the Coffee Net in the affluent northern suburbs. Here,
young men and black-veiled young women sit intently in front of
computer screens, surfing the Internet and sending e-mail.
Occasionally, in parks and on the street, I also saw young
couples holding hands--something that Iranians assured me I
would not have seen before Khatemi was elected in 1997.

But traveling through Tehran one night, I came across a stark
reminder of the past. The headlights of my taxi lit up a rather
ghostly scene--a walled compound patrolled by armed men. It was
the former U.S. embassy, where 52 Americans were taken hostage
in 1979. Attitudes in Iran may have softened since then, but
there are still no official relations with the United States.

When I met with Deputy Foreign Minister Seyyed Sadegh Kharrazi
in a simple but elegant office in northern Tehran, I asked him
what the United States would have to do to bring about normal
relations with Iran.

"Just a change of tone will not solve anything," he said. "Who
are the Americans to put an empty spoon in our mouths? The
Americans should offer their apology to the Iranian nation. They
should release the frozen assets of Iran, and remove their
sanctions. If they did so, then it [normalization of relations]
could be considered."

On a personal level, I found many positive things about Iran.
Like many other people--men and women--I felt safe walking its
streets late at night. I visited Esfahan, one of its stunningly
beautiful cities. Shiraz is another. Most of the people I met
were kind and hospitable.

While the restrictions on women are obvious the moment you set
foot in the country, they are clearly not as severe as in some
other societies in the region. Women work outside the home,
drive cars and hold office at the highest levels of government.
Of the more than 300,000 candidates in last month's elections,
5,000 were women.

Several veiled Iranian women were on my flight as I left Tehran.
By the time we had reached Dubai, just across the Persian Gulf,
they had all thrown off their head scarves and bulky overcoats
to reveal bare arms, figure-hugging designer jeans, a certain
amount of cleavage and fashionable hairdos.
Their dramatic transformation reminded me that just below the
surface of a conservative, traditional society, young people
especially are eager for change.

Sean Boyne, a Dublin-based journalist, is a correspondent for
Jane's Intelligence Review.


Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 29 Mar 1999 02:32:34 EDT
From: Bobby Iri <Bobby@WWW.DCI.CO.IR>
Subject: U.S. Military Actions Since Vietnam

U.S. Military Actions Since Vietnam
===================================


By Rachel Landau
Associated Press Writer
Thursday, March 25, 1999; 1:39 a.m. EST

Since the end of the Vietnam War, the United States has engaged
in military action in the Mideast, Africa, the Western
Hemisphere and in Europe. The details:

IRAN HOSTAGE RESCUE MISSION

Date: April 25, 1980

Purpose: President Carter dispatched eight helicopters to Iran
in an attempt to rescue 52 Americans taken hostage in November
1979. The rescue attempt ended in failure when a helicopter and
a transport plane collided over the Iranian desert during a
sandstorm. The hostages were finally released Jan. 20, 1981,
minutes after Ronald Reagan was inaugurated president.

American fatalities: eight noncombat.



----------------------------------------------------------------

LEBANON PEACEKEEPING MISSION

Dates: Aug. 25, 1982-Feb. 26, 1984

Purpose: President Reagan sent 1,200 troops to help stabilize
Lebanon. On Oct. 23, 1983, trucks packed with explosives rammed
into the U.S. Marine barracks, killing over 240 U.S. servicemen.
Reagan withdrew the troops in 1984.

American fatalities: 256 hostile, nine noncombat.


----------------------------------------------------------------

GRENADA

Date: 1983

Purpose: Reagan sent an invasion force to the Caribbean island,
saying American medical students there were in danger after a
Marxist junta seized power. The junta was ousted.

American fatalities: 18 hostile, one noncombat.



----------------------------------------------------------------
----------------

LIBYA BOMBING RAID

Date: April 15, 1986

Purpose: Reagan sought to punish Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi
for Libya's support of international terrorism, including the
bombing of a German disco in which two U.S. servicemen died.
American planes bombed the Libyan cities of Tripoli and
Benghazi. Gadhafi was not hurt, but his adopted daughter was
killed.

American fatalities: Two when their F-111 bomber was lost.


----------------------------------------------------------------

PANAMA

Date: 1989

Purpose: President Bush sent troops to oust General Manuel
Noriega amid reports of his involvement in drug trafficking and
corruption. He was captured, then tried and convicted in U.S.
federal court. He has spent nearly nine years at a federal
prison near Miami.

American fatalities: 23 hostile.



----------------------------------------------------------------

OPERATIONS DESERT STORM and DESERT SHIELD, IRAQ

Dates: 1990-1991

Purpose: Bush deployed 500,000 troops to contest Iraq's invasion
of neighboring Kuwait. Allied troops regained control of Kuwait,
yet skirmishes between Iraq and the allies continue to this day.

American fatalities: 148 hostile, 235 noncombat.


----------------------------------------------------------------

SOMALIA

Dates: 1992-1994

Purpose: Bush launched Operation Restore Hope to relieve
suffering caused by famine and restore political stability.
President Clinton ordered 15,000 U.S. reinforcements after an
attack on U.S. soldiers left 18 dead. American troops retreated.
Fighting among Somali warlords continues.

American fatalities: 29 hostile, 14 noncombat.



----------------------------------------------------------------

HAITI

Dates: 1994-1995

Purpose: Clinton sent troops to reinstate democratically elected
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Aristide was reinstated.
Command of multinational force passed to the United Nations on
March 31, 1995.
American fatalities: 4 noncombat.


----------------------------------------------------------------

BOSNIA AIR STRIKES

Date: 1995

Purpose: NATO forces, including American troops, sought to end a
war precipitated by Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic and his
dreams of a Greater Serbia attained through ``ethnic
cleansing.'' After the Dayton Peace Accords were signed in 1995,
Clinton committed 20,000 U.S. troops to Bosnia as part of a
60,000-person NATO force which was to implement the agreement.

American fatalities: None, although Air Force Capt. Scott
O'Grady's F-16 fighter jet was shot down over Bosnia on June 2.
U.S. Marines rescued him six days later.


----------------------------------------------------------------

Sources: Department of Defense Statistical Information Analysis
Division and Associated Press files.


Copyright 1999 The Associated Press.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 29 Mar 1999 02:33:02 EDT
From: Bobby Iri <Bobby@WWW.DCI.CO.IR>
Subject: Investigation Veterans Back Counsel Law

Investigation Veterans Back Counsel Law
=======================================


Investigation Veterans Back Counsel Law,
Walsh of Iran-Contra, Dash of Watergate Recommend Narrowing
Probes' Scope
By Edward Walsh
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, March 25, 1999; Page A10

Two veterans of high-profile investigations of presidents urged
a Senate committee yesterday to reauthorize the controversial
independent counsel law but narrow the scope of future
investigations that are triggered by the measure.

Lawrence E. Walsh, the independent counsel who investigated the
Iran-contra scandal of the Reagan administration, and Samuel
Dash, who was chief counsel to the Senate Watergate Committee in
the 1970s, defended the law, which they said is needed to
maintain public confidence in investigations of high-ranking
government officials.

"The statute is necessary, it has worked well and there really
is no alternative," said Dash during testimony before the Senate
Governmental Affairs Committee.

The 1978 law was enacted in the wake of the Watergate scandal,
during which President Richard M. Nixon ordered the firing of
the first special prosecutor named by the Justice Department to
investigate the matter. Designed to shield high-profile
investigations from political pressures, the law provides for
the appointment of independent counsels by a special three-judge
panel. But the law has come under increasing fire, especially
from critics of independent counsel Kenneth W. Starr's
investigation of President Clinton, and faces an uncertain
future. Unless reauthorized by Congress, the law will expire on
June 30.

Walsh, whose seven-year, $37 million investigation of the
Iran-contra matter angered many Republicans and also undermined
congressional support for the law, said a reauthorized
independent counsel law should apply only to the president and
attorney general instead of the lengthy list of officials
covered by the existing law. Allegations of wrongdoing against
other government officials should be investigated by the Justice
Department, he said.

Walsh said future independent counsel investigations should be
confined to acts by the president or attorney general while they
were in federal office. He also urged the creation of a special
"unit" in the Justice Department whose members would be
appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate and who
would take over responsibility for appointing independent
counsels.

Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman (Conn.), the committee's ranking
Democrat, noted that under the Walsh formula, only three of the
20 independent counsel investigations since 1978 would have been
authorized. Those were two investigations of former attorney
general Edwin Meese that ended with recommendations not to
prosecute, and the Iran-contra investigation. Starr's
investigation, which initially focused on an Arkansas land deal
when Clinton was governor of that state, would not have
qualified.

Dash, who served as Starr's ethics adviser, said he opposed
placing the appointment power in the Justice Department but
offered his own suggestions for changes in the law. He said the
number of officials covered by the law should be narrowed and
that in most cases the independent counsel should not be allowed
to expand an investigation beyond its original mandate. Dash
said he also had serious doubts about the requirement that an
independent counsel issue a final report, which he said tended
to lengthen investigations.

Dash was also critical of Attorney General Janet Reno, who
supported reauthorization of the law in 1993 but now opposes it.

"I believe nothing substantive has changed to cause this
reversal," he said. "Rather, I believe that the attorney
general, the American Bar Association and Common Cause have
succumbed to partisan and emotional attacks on the independent
counsel and the legislation creating him."





Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company.

------------------------------

Date: Sun, 28 Mar 1999 20:40:32 -0500
From: Rahim Bajoghli <rbajoghli@JUNO.COM>
Subject: A Plot That Backfired on Killers

Los Angeles Times
March 26, 1999

A Plot That Backfired on Killers

When Tehran agents used slayings and abductions to sow terror among
dissidents, Iranians recoiled. And hard-liners felt people's wrath at
polls.

By JOHN DANISZEWSKI

TEHRAN--There are some events whose significance is
knowable only in retrospect. The death last year of
Mohammed Jafar Pouyandeh may well have been one of those
occurrences: the killing of an obscure translator that could mark a
turning point for Iran.
Pouyandeh, who was
little known outside a small circle of intellectuals and writers, was
abducted, strangled and dumped along a railroad track in December.

He was the last of at least six Iranian dissidents who
disappeared, were slain or died under suspicious circumstances in the
waning days of 1998.

The perpetrators of the crimes apparently intended to sow
terror among their political opponents, but the opposite
happened. Iranian society recoiled. Complaints appeared in the media.

President Mohammad Khatami's hand was strengthened to do
what he could not before: take on the security apparatus; fire the
minister of intelligence; and demand accountability and rule of law for
the country's shadowy secret police units and their allies.

This month, as Khatami basks in a landslide victory by
moderates in municipal elections that could augur a similar defeat for
hard-liners in parliament next year, it seems fitting to remember
Pouyandeh, an anonymous hero who gave his life for freedom.

To be sure, the victory of moderates over the hard-liners --who distrust
democracy and want to maintain a mullah-run state hostile to the West--is
not complete. It is conceivable that there could still be a backlash
against Khatami and that conservatives may still prevail in their ongoing
political war.

But like the 1977 death in police custody of anti-apartheid activist
Steve Biko in South Africa or the 1984 murder of the anti-Communist
Father Jerzy Popieluszko along a Polish highway, the eradication of
Pouyandeh and the other intellectuals has become for many Iranians the
symbol for the brutality that must be stamped out of their system.

He Left His Downtown Office About 3 p.m. It was the 18th of Azar on the
Iranian calendar, Dec. 9 in the West. About 3 p.m., on a cold, clear
Wednesday, Pouyandeh left his office at the Cultural Research Center in
downtown Tehran.

The quasi-public institution, housed in a small gray building on a busy
street, periodically issues books on Iranian culture. As is the case at
most official institutions, one of the last things Pouyandeh would have
seen before he walked out the door was a portrait of Iran's bearded,
turbaned supreme leader, the Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

It had been a normal day for Pouyandeh. Up early enough to
see Nazanin, his 17-year-old daughter, off to school at the music
university. Then a glass of tea and some cookies for breakfast with his
wife, Sima, a teacher of nursing, before they parted for work.

Their apartment was tiny, reflecting small incomes: one room that served
as living room, dining room and study; a kitchen; two small bedrooms,
heated by a radiator in the foyer where a kettle for tea was kept warm.
The most notable feature was its books, crammed on bookshelves-- mainly
Persian-language works, but also English, French and German tomes of
philosophy, sociology and literature, and dictionaries in all four
languages.

The morning was normal, but Pouyandeh's state of mind was
not. He was in a "twilight zone," his wife said. His close friend and
collaborator, poet Mohammed Mokhtari, had disappeared six days before,
and Pouyandeh was worried
about his own safety.
Throughout the day
that her husband disappeared, Sima
Pouyandeh was filled with anxiety. She had had a premonition that morning
that the parting might be their last. Although it was a clear day, she
recalled later, "inside me it was raining."
Scholars Tried to
Restore Writers Guild Mokhtari and Pouyandeh were members of a committee
seeking to resuscitate the Iranian Writers' Assn., a cultural-
professional guild that had not been permitted to meet since the early
days of the Iranian Revolution.

They had been summoned, along with four other committee
members, to appear before the Revolutionary Court in October.

There they had been interrogated and warned to drop the effort, which
they had agreed to do. Nevertheless, Pouyandeh had gotten some unwelcome
publicity from the incident, and a right-wing newspaper had attacked him
personally, issuing a veiled threat.
Pouyandeh, according
to his wife, believed that Mokhtari had been arrested and he feared he
could be next. In a country like Iran, he felt painfully vulnerable.

"He was anxious and pale and asking what should be done,"
Sima Pouyandeh recounted. "He talked to other writers and
asked . . . but no one could tell him what he should do. There was no one
to turn to."

Her husband felt no recourse but to go on with his normal
routine.

The evening of Dec. 9, Sima Pouyandeh returned about 7
p.m. and found her daughter in tears. "When I returned from my job and
saw that my husband had not returned, I was really worried," she
recalled. "He was supposed to be home at 5 o'clock."

She began phoning places she thought her husband might be.
The evening was especially difficult because at 4 p.m. authorities had
announced that the body of Mokhtari had been found.

Thinking her husband may have gone to Mokhtari's house to
offer sympathy, she telephoned there. No sign of him. She also called
others who had been at a publishers' meeting her husband was to have
attended after work.

No one had seen Pouyandeh. "I thought he must have been arrested. I
called all the police stations and hospitals around his office," she
said. "I was crying.

I was begging them to do something. . . . I even called to the
president's office and asked them to close the roads out of Tehran.
Bythen I was sure that he was grabbed during the day."

By the time Pouyandeh was abducted, there was already a
sense of panic among Iranians critical of the country's Islamic
authorities. Despite the 1997 election of the moderate Khatami as the
country's president, there had been frequent outbreaks of violence
against Khatami supporters by right-wing groups.

Sinister Element Added to the Fears

The killings in November of two seemingly harmless, elderly opponents of
the regime--Dariush Foruhar, leader of the banned Iranian National Party,
and his wife, Parvanjeh--added a sinister element to the fears.
According to
associates, the couple's home was almost
always monitored by intelligence agents. Yet someone entered the house on
a Saturday night and stabbed them to death.

Foruhar was discovered the next day seated in his study with a knife
sticking from his heart. He had been stabbed 13 times. His wife, found
upstairs in her nightclothes curled up in a fetal position, had 24 stab
wounds.

After their deaths, dissident writer Majid Sharif was found dead under
suspicious circumstances. Another author, Pirouz Davani, disappeared.
Then Mokhtari was found dead.
Seated in their
apartment next to a black-bordered portrait of her husband--a
vigorous-looking man with a high forehead and dark, penetrating
eyes--Sima Pouyandeh last month recalled her fruitless efforts to find
him on that first night and the following day. She had gone to police
headquarters with his photograph, which was faxed to other police
stations. Then she toured the morgue.

"They showed me all the bodies," she said. "It was very
awful. I was crying during the whole time."

It was not until 10 p.m. on Saturday that she got word of her husband.
Police in Shariyar,
outside Tehran, called to say that they had found a body Thursday fitting
his description.

She arrived in Shariyar around midnight, only to be told that the body
had been moved to Tehran. The next day, her brother made the
identification; she could not face looking at the body herself.

At that time, all she knew was that her husband bore marks of
strangulation. In the weeks that followed, she learned more of his fate.
According to a
colleague of her husband, a white Peykan--an Iranian make of automobile
ubiquitous on Tehran's streets--had been parked outside Pouyandeh's
office on the day he was seized.

When Pouyandeh came out shortly before 3 p.m., one of the occupants
stepped from the car and spoke to him. Pouyandeh
showed his identification card.

When the man demanded that Pouyandeh get in the car, he resisted. Voices
were raised. Then three men manhandled him into the vehicle.
"People saw and no
one acted," Sima Pouyandeh said. "They
just wrote down the number of the license plate."

Rumors of Death Squads, Blacklists

The disappearance of Pouyandeh on the same day that
Mokhtari's body was found sent shock waves through Iranian
society when it was reported in independent press over the
subsequent days.
Rumors began to
circulate of death squads and blacklists.
About a thousand students demonstrated at Tehran University, demanding
that the chief of the Intelligence Ministry resign.

In response to this growing public pressure, Khatami
appointed a commission headed by a senior military judge to investigate
the killings.

The commission reported its findings to Khatami's inner
Cabinet less than a month later. Its conclusion: Agents of the
Intelligence Ministry had carried out the killings of Pouyandeh, Mokhtari
and the Foruhars.

"It was not good news," said Khatami's Cabinet chief,
Mohammed Ali Abtahi. Yet it was not a great surprise either, he
acknowledged. "This was not far from our minds."

After disclosure of the Intelligence Ministry's role, 10 people
reportedly were arrested, though they have not been publicly identified.
According to media reports, some upper-level managers in the ministry
were implicated. Khatami obtained the resignation of Intelligence
Minister Qorbanali Dorri-Najafabadi in February, replacing him with Ali
Yunesi--the military judge who had helped investigate the crimes.
Pouyandeh Worked on
Rights Book

In the months before his abduction, Pouyandeh had been
translating into the Persian language a book on the history of the U.N.'s
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Coincidentally, that book was
published on the day he disappeared. The day his body was found, Dec. 10,
was the 50th anniversary of the declaration's adoption by the General
Assembly.
Thousands came to
Pouyandeh's funeral, including prominent
writers, journalists and opposition activists. Sami
Pouyandeh delivered a eulogy.

"My husband's life served two aims -- freedom and the
truth," she said. "For certain, he was a hero, because he
gave his life for freedom of thought and freedom of speech."

His greatest legacy may be that on March 4 the Iranian
Writers' Association -- the group that he and Mokhtari had
fought to revive -- held its first meeting since the early
1980s. Seventy members assembled legally and openly, with police
protection.

But none of this eases the pain of the 36-year-old
Pouyandeh, who met her husband when she was just 18 and was married to
him within months.

"In my opinion, it is not possible to predict the future of Iran, because
one day I woke up and found that my
husband had been killed....

"A place that should protect the security of the state and
its citizens has been transformed into a place of murderers."




___________________________________________________________________
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------------------------------

Date: Mon, 29 Mar 1999 02:28:36 EDT
From: Bobby Iri <Bobby@WWW.DCI.CO.IR>
Subject: Controversial Plan to Arm Kosovar Rebels Draws Fir

Controversial Plan to Arm Kosovar Rebels Draws Fire
===================================================


by Andrew Miga
from Boston Herald
Saturday, March 27, 1999


WASHINGTON - As NATO bombs began hitting Yugoslavia, Sen. John
Kerry (D-Mass.) was among the first to float an intriguing plan:
arming Kosovar Albanian rebels in war-torn Kosovo against the
Serbs.

``We could conceivably arm the Albanians,'' said Kerry. ``That
may be their fight for independence.'' Several other
politicians, diplomats and former Cabinet officials such as
Zbigniew Brezinski, the former national security adviser to
President Carter, also chimed in, signaling support for arming
Kosovar rebels this week.


Sens. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) and Joseph Lieberman (D-Conn.),
offered a proposal yesterday to spend $25 million to build up
the Kosovo Liberation Army if the airstrikes failed to halt the
Serbs' aggression.


``I'm sure that we spent more than $25 million the first night
of bombing,'' McConnell said.


But what kind of ally would America, and NATO, be gaining?


The Kosovo Liberation Army has ties to Islamic fundamentalist
groups and Europen organized crime that could be hard for many
Americans to swallow.


Muslim extremists in Iran and elsewhere have provided military
support for the KLA, according to congressional sources. The
Kosovo guerillas are not directly aligned with Islamic
fundamentalist movements, however. Their aim is a free Kosovo.


Money has also flowed to the Kosovar rebels from organized
criminal elements in Europe, the sources added.


The KLA's unsavory allies underscore the complexity allied
leaders face as they pursue peace in the volatile mix of ethnic,
nationalistic and religious passions that dominate the Balkans.


Kerry's informal proposal, on its face, could permit NATO forces
to avoid a ground war as Kosovo guerillas take up the fight
against Serb aggression in the province of Serbia.


A bipartisan group of senators Thursday announced plans to file
a bill that would earmark $25 million to arm and equip the
Kosovars so they can defend themselves.


The White House yesterday was cool to the idea of arming the
KLA, insisting that NATO air strikes would prove effective
against Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic.


``We are pursuing a different track right now ... that lessens
the military clashes in Kosovo rather than increase them,'' said
Clinton spokesman Joe Lockhart. ``We are trying to demilitarize
Kosovo and remove weapons, rather than increase the flow of
weapons there.''


Other voices on Capitol Hill echoed the White House line.


Kerry's Bay State colleague Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.),
through a spokesman, said the senator opposed arming the KLA, or
having Congress consider taking any other action that might
undermine the ongoing NATO air strikes.


The lightly armed Kosovo Liberation Army, which has less than
15,000 guerillas spread out across a province roughly the size
of Connecticut, wages a hit-and-run warfare against Serb
repression. Most are armed with AK-47 assault rifles.

Some 90 percent of Kosovo's population is ethnic Albanian, the
remaining 10 percent is mostly Serbian.


The White House said the KLA is not using NATO air attacks as a
pretext for launching new raids against Serb oppressors.


``The bulk of this is initiated by the Serb forces,'' said
Lockhart.

------------------------------

End of DNI-NEWS Digest - 28 Mar 1999 to 29 Mar 1999 - Special issue
*******************************************************************