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There are 12 messages totalling 1291 lines in this issue.

Topics in this special issue:

1. There is No Leadership, No Organisation
2. Khatami at the Crossroads
4. Iran/Reuters: Amnesty urges Iran to probe deaths during clashes
5. Iran/Reuters: Iran pro-democracy students left isolated
6. Iran/AP: Iran Callers Flood Israel Radio Show
7. Iran/Boston Globe: Student unrest in Iran tests moderate, hard-line
8. Iran/NY Times: Chaotic Protests Reign in Teheran; Vigilantes Active
9. Iran/NY Times: A Worried U.S. Says Little About Iran's Rising Turmoil
10. [Fwd: The latest statements of Jonbesh Mosdalmanan-e Mobarez]
11. Iran/AFP: Beware the errors of Tiananmen, son of Iran's late Shah warns
12. Corrected: Iran/US and Europe Demonstrations of this Week against the


Date: Wed, 14 Jul 1999 21:00:57 GMT
From: Arash Alavi <arash@MY-DEJA.COM>
Subject: There is No Leadership, No Organisation

Analysis-Iran Clergy Face Further Problems with Youth

Reuters 14-JUL-99

TEHRAN, July 14 (Reuters) - Iran''s ruling clergy appear to
have survived the country''s worst social unrest since the
1979 Islamic revolution, but many believe the calm belies
deep social and economic troubles and general discontent,
especially among the youth.

"This was a warning, a spark which ignited a wave of
discontent among the poor, the unemployed and angry and
frustrated youngsters," said Nasser, a university graduate
who drives a cab for a living.

Authorities say they have suppressed two days of riots,
sparked by a wave of pro-democracy student demonstrations
in Tehran and some other cities since last week, and
accused the United States and other "hostile" powers of
inciting them.

To discourage further challenges to their rule, the
conservative clergy, cautiously backed by the rival reform
groups, staged a huge pro-government demonstration on
Wednesday, hoping to demonstrate their broad popular base.

But many in the establishment concede that the students,
whose demands echo the desires of Iranian youth in general,
have a legitimate cause, something which they say should be
communicated through legal means.

"The student movement has a genuine character; it has a
true and clear identity and feels it has its reasons for
protesting," said Defence Minister Ali Shamkhani.

The spontaneous protests and the riots were a reminder that
the leadership has to come up with much more than
half-measure political concessions to appease the country's
burgeoning young population.

Although the student demonstrations were to press political
demands, many believe the ensuing riots had their roots in
the country's worsening economic situation, as many
disaffected young people took an active part.

Most of the acts of violence were carried out in poorer
neighbourhoods with higher rates of youth unemployment, and
where students have a lesser presence.

Witnesses said many banks were looted after they were set
on fire, and late model cars were overturned and burned,
apparently out of mounting economic frustration.

More than 60 percent of Iran's 63 million population are
under the age of 25, and about one million people reach
working age each year, only to be turned away for jobs.

President Mohammad Khatami, elected in 1997 with
overwhelming support from young people, has promised
structural changes to ease the economic pressure, but
little has been done in the face of bitter factional
disputes and hardline opposition.

Hardliners have consistently thwarted Khatami's attempts to
improve relations with the West, whose financial and
technological assistance he has sought to improve the

The government clampdown on the unrest with the help of
hardline Islamic vigilantes is likely to further complicate
relations with Europe, which often makes improvement in
human rights and democratic changes a condition for closer
economic ties with the Islamic republic.

Social problems are another source of frustration for many
young people, especially the more affluent city dwellers.
Police and hardline vigilantes repeatedly intrude in the
lives of more liberal Tehranis, forcibly demanding that
they conform to strict Islamic codes of dress and

Many young people, emboldened by Khatami's political
reform, are turning more aggressive, uncowed by the
memories of revolution and its bloody aftermath.

"These youth are too inexperienced...They haven't seen the
chaos and violence of the revolution...they are just too
exited," said Ali, a carpet trader.

His sentiments are shared by many in Tehran, a tendency
which may account for the absence of active popular support
for the pro-democracy student movement.

As students marched through the streets in the past days,
the public went about their business.

From the beginning, many saw little hope for the students
because of the organisational chaos in their ranks, and
others feared that such protests would undermine Khatami's
reform programme, which many Iranians still support.

Although sympathetic to the students' democratic cause,
some of the middle class were outraged by the riots and
other acts of extremism.

"If that's their attitude - to burn cars and banks - then I
hope they won't succeed," said Babak, an engineer in his

Farah, a primary school teacher, summed it up: "People do
not see a bright future with these acts. There is no
leadership, no organisation. They are only afraid things
will get worse than they already are."

Copyright 1999 Reuters Limited.All rights reserved.


Date: Wed, 14 Jul 1999 21:08:26 GMT
From: Arash Alavi <arash@MY-DEJA.COM>
Subject: Khatami at the Crossroads

Wednesday, July 14, 1999 Published at 19:10 GMT 20:10 UK
World: Middle East

Analysis: Khatami at the crossroads

By Middle East Correspondent Jim Muir

Tehran had not witnessed such scenes since the early years
of the Islamic revolution a generation ago.

Rioting students pelting security forces with stones, and
setting fire to pictures of the country's Supreme Leader.
Running battles with the police in the streets and squares
of the city centre, leaving an aftermath of burned-out
buses and smashed shopfronts.

The final repercussions and implications of the upheaval
will take time to emerge.

But the immediate assessment has to be that the
disturbances represent a serious setback - if not a
disaster - for Iran's still hugely popular reformist
President, Muhammad Khatami, and the civil society movement
he heads.

Pressure for change

At first, the crisis seemed destined to be yet another
instance of the hard-liners trying to deal a blow to the
reformists, only to have it backfire badly on themselves.

The storming of a university dormitory on the night of
Thursday 8 July by riot police and right-wing vigilantes -
probably from the ultra hard-line Ansar Hizbollah faction -
caused an almost universal outcry.

Spontaneous student protests at the destruction, casualties
and detentions resulting from the dormitory raid gave the
moderate camp another cause celebre with which to press for

Student leaders not only demanded the dismissal of the
country's hard-line police chief, General Hedayat Lutfian,
but also insisted that control of the law enforcement
forces should be transferred to the Interior Ministry.

That would bring them under the direct control of President
Khatami's reformist government.

Clerical politics

At present, the strings are pulled by the office of the
Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who is usually
identified with the right-wing conservative camp in Iran's
clerical politics.

Such was the strength of outrage over the dormitory
incident that even Ayatollah Khamenei was obliged to
deplore it and support decisions of the Supreme National
Security Council - headed by Mr Khatami - to investigate
and punish those involved.

The council announced that two senior police officers were
being dismissed and prosecuted, and that the "pressure
groups" - right-wing vigilantes - would be firmly curbed.

The crisis seemed destined to yield major benefits for
President Khatami and the reformists.

But when riots ended up spilling into the streets, without
the support of the mainly pro-Khatami student leaderships,
the situation turned around dramatically.

Licence to act

The same combination of riot police, plainclothes security
men and right-wing vigilantes who had been condemned for
the dormitory raid, suddenly found themselves with a
licence to wade in against the rioters on the streets.

Many were beaten up and arrested, but this time there was
no outrage because the street violence could not be
justified, excused or defended by anyone.

The identity of those involved was also obscure - most
student leaders distanced themselves from it - thus
enabling the unrest to be labeled as the work of
foreign-inspired provocateurs and counter-revolutionaries.

Just as Ayatollah Khamenei had been obliged to condemn the
dormitory incident, President Khatami had no choice but to
denounce the riots, which caused the city's bazaar to pull
down its shutters for the first time since the disturbances
began. "They (the riots) were against the interest of the
nation, and against the policies of the government. This
event is just the opposite of the political development
advocated by the government."

Right-wing backlash

Well might Mr Khatami be distressed: The riots played into
the hands of the hard-liners, justifying a right-wing
backlash which began by bringing the forces of social
control to the fore.

Ayatollah Khamenei announced that ''officials in the
government, especially those in charge of public security,
have been emphatically instructed to put down the corrupt
and warring elements with insight and power and, no doubt,
those who have invested hope in the mischievous acts of
these disgraced elements will be disappointed.

"My basiji children in particular should maintain their
full alertness and through their presence everywhere they
are needed, terrify and crush the wicked enemies."

The Basij are irregular volunteers attached to the
Revolutionary Guards as guardians of the revolution.

There are other reasons why the riots played strongly to Mr
Khatami's disadvantage:

- He has always stressed the absolute need for
legality, and that his reform programme can
only proceed in an atmosphere of calm. Over
the past two years, hard-liners have often
stirred up trouble of one sort or another
precisely to obstruct that process.

- His conservative rivals could blame his liberal
ideas for inflaming the young rioters, who
chanted slogans supporting Mr Khatami and his

- The original demands of the students, such as
the transfer of control of the police to
Mr Khatami's government, are still on the table
but have been overtaken by the furore over the
street riots.

Mr Khatami may even have lost some public support because
the violent disturbances obliged the Islamic leadership to
close ranks.

However, 20 million Iranians voted for him in 1997 hoping
for peaceful change.

They have now been given a glimpse of the chaos which is
the only visible alternative to the Islamic regime.


Date: Wed, 14 Jul 1999 17:18:43 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>

* News Release Issued by the International Secretariat of Amnesty
International *

AI Index MDE 13/18/99



Amnesty International remains gravely concerned by recent events in the
Islamic Republic of Iran. Widespread demonstrations in the capital, Tehran,
and in provincial centres since 8 July 1999, were followed by serious
clashes between student demonstrators, security forces and unofficial
vigilante groups. According to reports received by the human rights
organization, dozens of persons have been injured, some seriously, hundreds
arrested, some of whom may be prisoners of conscience, and at least five

"As a first step, the Iranian authorities should fulfil their commitments
to investigate fully and impartially the killings and serious attacks and
bring to justice all those found to be responsible", said Amnesty

The violence began on 8 July, when a small number of students, who had
gathered in a peaceful demonstration outside their university hostels in
northern Tehran to protest against the closure of the daily newspaper Salam,
were attacked by armed members of Ansar-e Hezbollah, a vigilante student
group which opposes current political developments in Iran. Security forces
posted at the scene reportedly failed to intervene to protect the students.
Some hours later, members of Ansar-e Hezbollah, together with members of the
security forces, stormed the student residences using teargas, as a result
of which at least one person was killed. According to reports, as a result
of this attack, which was strongly condemned by both the President,
Hojjatoleslam Sayed Mohammad Khatami, and the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah 'Ali
Khamenei, two senior police officers were arrested, and a special committee
was appointed to investigate the causes of the violence.

In the following days the size and nature of the demonstrations changed
dramatically, leading to an escalation in violence. Despite calls for calm
from some student leaders and an official ban on demonstrations in Tehran,
demonstrations continued and spread to other towns such as Shiraz, Rasht,
Esfahan, Mashhad and Tabriz.

The human rights organization is also alarmed by the scale of arbitrary
arrests, including those of possible prisoners of conscience. Among those
known to have been arrested on 13 July is Maryam Shansi, a student leader
who was attacked and beaten in her home by unidentified assailants on 12
June 1999. Her current legal status and whereabouts are unknown. Other well
known student activists, fearing for their safety, have reportedly gone into
hiding. According to other unconfirmed reports, two members of the Iran
Nation Party (Hezb-e Mellat-e Iran), an unauthorized but tolerated
opposition group have also been arrested. They have been named as Khosrow
Sayf and Ahmad Namazi.

Amnesty International recognizes the right and responsibility of all
governments to maintain law and order but this should never be at the
expense of fundamental human rights. The organization calls on the
authorities in the Islamic Republic of Iran to take without further delay
the following measures to protect fundamental human rights, including the
right to life and freedom of expression, as guaranteed by the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Iran is a state

· to initiate a thorough and independent investigation into the killings and
serious attacks and to bring to justice all those responsible;

· to ensure that any such investigation is carried out promptly and
impartially, and that its methods and findings are made public;

· to release immediately and unconditionally all persons detained solely on
account of peacefully expressing their conscientiously held beliefs;

· to make public the names of all those arrested in connection with the
recent disturbances;

· ensure that all those arrested are humanely treated and given immediate
access to legal representation and family members, and that they be
guaranteed a fair trial within a reasonable time or be released.

· to instruct its law enforcement authorities to adhere to agreed
international human rights standards including those governing the use of
lethal force.


In recent months there have been several clashes between student
organizations supporting different political tendencies in the Islamic
Republic of Iran.

· On 6 July 1999 student activists Mohammad Masud Salamati, Sayed Javad
Emami and Parviz Safari were arrested and detained overnight after a
demonstration outside the United Nations office in Tehran, demanding the
release of two journalists, Heshmatollah Tabarzadi and Hossein Kashani, who
were arrested in mid-June 1999.

· Salam, a newspaper supporting reformist trends in the Iranian
administration, was banned indefinitely on 7 July 1999 by order of the
Special Court for the Clergy (Dadgah-e Vizhe-ye Ruhaniyat), following a
complaint by the Ministry of Information (Vezarat-e Ettela'at) that it had
published "top secret" information. The official complaint was withdrawn the
following day; however, it is not clear whether this will lead to the
banning order being lifted.

· On 7 July 1999 the Majles (Parliament) voted to allow debate on a bill
amending the current press law, aimed at severely curtailing the freedom of
the press.

· On 9 July 1999 Amnesty International issued an Urgent Action (AI INDEX:
MDE 13/15/99, UA 160/99) urging the authorities, among other things, to
guarantee the safety and security of all students on university campuses,
and reminding the government of Iran of its commitment to the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, in particular Article 3: "Everyone has the
right to life, liberty and security of person".

For more information please call Amnesty International's press office in
UK, on 44 171 413 5566.

Amnesty International, International Secretariat, 1 Easton Street,
WC1X 8DJ, London, United Kingdom


Date: Wed, 14 Jul 1999 17:21:35 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/Reuters: Amnesty urges Iran to probe deaths during clashes

Amnesty urges Iran to probe deaths during clashes
04:05 p.m Jul 14, 1999 Eastern

LONDON, July 14 (Reuters) - Amnesty International called on Iranian
authorities on Wednesday to investigate the deaths of student activists
during six days of riots sparked by an attack on a pro-democracy rally at
Tehran University.

The London-based human rights watchdog said it had reports at least five
people had been killed, dozens injured and hundreds arrested since students
took to the streets on July 8.

``As a first step, the Iranian authorities should fulfil their commitments
to investigate fully and impartially the killings and serious attacks and
bring to justice all those found to be responsible,'' Amnesty said in a

It said security forces failed to protect the demonstrators at the
university from attacks by armed members of Ansar-e Hezbollah, which it
called ``a vigilante student group which opposes current political
developments in Iran.''

Amnesty also said it was ``alarmed by the scale of arbitrary arrests,
including those of possible prisoners of conscience.''

``Among those known to have been arrested on July 13 is Maryam Shansi, a
student leader who was attacked and beaten in her home by unidentified
assailants on June 12,'' it said. ``Her current legal status and whereabouts
are unknown.''

Other well-known student activists had gone into hiding, Amnesty said.

Security forces and Islamic vigilantes took control of most of central
Tehran late on Tuesday after clashing with students and others who set fire
to vehicles, banks and other buildings.

Tens of thousands of people marched through Tehran on Wednesday in support
of Islamic rule in a rally called by the clerical establishment and backed
by most moderate groups.

A senior official at Iran's top security body warned that those behind the
unrest could face execution under the country's Islamic law.

The crisis has shaken the Islamic republic and put pressure on President
Mohammad Khatami, elected in 1997 with wide student support, to speed
promised reforms in the face of strong challenges from powerful conservative
clerical opponents.


Date: Wed, 14 Jul 1999 17:27:05 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/Reuters: Iran pro-democracy students left isolated

ANALYSIS-Iran pro-democracy students left isolated
12:00 p.m. Jul 14, 1999 Eastern
By Jonathan Lyons

TEHRAN, July 14 (Reuters) - Iran's pro-democracy students, among the
strongest backers of President Mohammad Khatami, have been sacrificed to a
mainstream reform movement that values its seat at the table of power more
than profound political change.

After patiently enduring two years of unrelenting pressure -- from attacks
by police and hardline vigilantes to suppression of their favourite
newspapers and even serial murder of dissident intellectuals -- many
students had had enough.

But when the inevitable crisis came, the man the students looked to as their
leader and saviour was nowhere in sight.

``Khatami, where are you? Your students have been killed,'' chanted the
crowds -- more a cry from the heart than a calculated political slogan --
throughout six days of pro-democracy protests set off by a police riot
through the dormitories of Tehran University.

Scores were hurt, many while asleep in their beds, and students say five of
their classmates were killed. Officials said only one person was killed.

As student anger grew day by day, their champions inside the system appeared
to abandon them.

Unable to control the pace or direction of events, the main pro-Khatami
Islamic student movement washed its hands of the whole affair.

``Now that the striking students have chosen their representative council,
this office no longer has any responsibility with regard to the student
movement,'' announced the Office to Consolidate Unity.

Moderate newspapers, another key component of the Khatami coalition, called
for calm without reporting the grievances of students who had taken the
slogans of the reform movement -- freedom, the rule of law and civil
society -- at face value.

This was all the more painful as expanded press freedom, another Khatami
cause, was chief among the students' demands.

By Wednesday, the pro-democracy students were left isolated, the only major
players in this drama to boycott a national unity rally in support of
supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and the system of Islamic rule.

A letter in the pro-reform daily Neshat captured the frustrations and
disappointment of the universities, providing insight into the explosive
mixture that culminated in Tuesday's running street battles between
protesters and Islamic vigilantes and militia, backed by gun-toting security

``They were looking for someone, they were looking for any traces of him.
Yes, they were looking for Khatami, not that he would do anything about it,
but simply that he would come and listen and see them cry,'' wrote Vahid
Entezari, a university student.

Instead, Khatami remained behind the walls of his presidential palace and
focused increasingly on growing calls for public order.

There was no real gesture toward student demands, including the removal of
the hardline police chief and the crushing of the vigilantes who attack
pro-reform gatherings with impunity.

In fact, assaults on the students only mounted, ending in a commando-style
raid to force them from the university campus that paved the way for
Tuesday's explosion of pent-up rage in the streets of the capital.

``I am sure these people have evil aims. They intend to foster violence in
society, and we shall stand in their way...We take the security of our
country and our citizens very seriously,'' the president said on national

It remains unclear what stayed the hands of a man, elected in surprise
landslide with overwhelming support of students, Islamic intellectuals and
women, from a Clintonesque assurance that ``I feel your pain.''

Was it a failure of leadership, or lack of political courage?

Or perhaps it was a rare acknowledgement that even a president with 70
percent of the popular vote has little control over events in the Islamic
Republic, where most of the levers of state power lie with the clerical

Students were waiting for a sign from Khatami that never came. The result
was some of the worst unrest since the consolidation of the 1979 Islamic
revolution and a lingering question mark over the future of his entire
reform programme.


Date: Wed, 14 Jul 1999 17:30:34 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/AP: Iran Callers Flood Israel Radio Show

Iran Callers Flood Israel Radio Show
Full Coverage
Protests in Iran

By JACK KATZENELL Associated Press Writer

JERUSALEM (AP) - The caller from Tehran was agitated. The disabled veteran
of the eight-year war with Iraq said Iranian students must press on with
their protests and topple the Islamic regime, which he said made many false
promises and was indifferent to his poverty.

Israel Radio's Persian-language service has been inundated with calls from
Iran since anti-government rallies began there last week. The program's
director, Menashe Amir, says his audience has ballooned to 6 million people.

Calling in this week, the disabled veteran, who gave his name only as
Mahmoud, said: ``I gave my health and my life for this regime and I am
crippled today and I don't have anything to eat.''

``I ask the students: please go on with your struggle, your demonstrations.
You have to change this regime which has betrayed our nation.''

An Iranian woman, who gave her name as Azin, said her two sons are students
and ``I want them to press on with the demonstrations until they win.''

Since the Islamic regime was established, the Iranian public has been
deluged with hate propaganda against Israel and the United States.
Washington is called ``the Great Satan'' and Israel ``the Little Satan.''
The regime regularly calls for the destruction of Israel.

Still, Israel Radio's Persian service has about a million listeners in Iran
each day, plus a huge following among the 2 million Iranians living in the
United States, Europe and elsewhere, Amir said.

The official Iranian news agency has faithfully reported the anti-government
protests, and at least a dozen newspapers report events freely - although a
recent press law prompted by the tensions between moderates and hard-liners
could lead to a crackdown on the media.

Still, Iranians hunger for the outside view. Other national broadcasters -
including the British Broadcasting Corp. and the Voice of America -
broadcast into Iran in Persian as well.

But Amir says his service is exceptional in that it extends beyond news
bulletins and being a mouthpiece for dissidents and exiles.

In Wednesday's 90-minute program, for example, Hassan Rohani, deputy speaker
of the Iranian parliament, was broadcast bitterly criticizing the students
as he addressed a pro-government demonstration in Tehran.

On the same program, Amir also aired a message from Ayatollah Sayed Mahmoud
Tabatabaie Ghomi, a one-time supporter of the Islamic revolution who became
disillusioned and has been under house arrest for 15 years. The message,
condemning the killing of students demonstrators by the regime, was read by
Ghomi's son, who lives in London.

There was also a live interview with a former minister in the Shah's
government, who now lives in Washington.

The usual live link to Iran was absent Wednesday, because the Iranian
government cut off the country's cellphone links with the outside world -
apparently to limit foreign coverage of the riots.

Amir's contacts inside the Islamic republic are impressive. On Wednesday, he
spoke to one student leaders who was in hiding in Tehran in a live interview
for Israel's Channel 2 television. Later that day, the student was arrested,
Amir said.

Amir is reticent about how his phone links with Iran are maintained. It is
possible for Israelis to phone Iran directly, but Iranians cannot dial
direct to Israel. Many of the Iranian callers make their comments into an
answering machine in a third country.

During Tuesday's hour-long broadcast, 127 calls were received. Not all could
be put through to the studio for lack of time. Usually about half the calls
are from Iran, the rest from the Iranian exile community.

In his office, Amir sifted through piles of faxes. The demonstrations, he
said, show that the Iranian public, not just the students, are fed up with
the Islamic regime.

``They want more freedom and an end to the poverty and backwardness, and
they are convinced the country's economic problems cannot be solved unless
Iran renews its relations with the United States,'' he said.


Date: Wed, 14 Jul 1999 17:36:22 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/Boston Globe: Student unrest in Iran tests moderate,
hard-line balance

Student unrest in Iran tests moderate, hard-line balance

By John Donnelly, Globe Staff, 07/14/99

ASHINGTON - The long-simmering fight for greater freedom in Iran has burst
into the open in the clashes that rage daily on Tehran's streets.

As Iranian students battled with security forces and black-clad Ansar-e
Hezbollahi counterdemonstrators for the sixth day yesterday, and with
another faceoff expected this morning, Western analysts and Middle East
diplomats say the outcome could shape Iran for years to come.

''If things calm down, we can presume the moderates will come out
stronger,'' said a Washington-based diplomat from a Middle Eastern country.
''But if it keeps going, there will be either a conservative backlash or the
regime will be shaken very seriously. There are a lot of open questions.''

While no one is predicting the fall of the Islamic Republic, the battles
could have a major impact on Iran's relationship with the West. If the
moderates gain strength, ties with the West could accelerate. But if Islamic
revolutionaries sharply put down the unrest, such relationships could be

The fighting began on Thursday with the latest closing of the left-leaning
newspaper Salam, which means ''peace, '' spawning student protests and
security crackdowns. That night, security forces stormed dormitories at
Tehran University and threw students out of second- and third-story windows.
According to Iranian media, five to eight students died, sparking the street
battles that show no sign of abating.

Since the surprise landslide election to the presidency two years ago of
moderate Mohammed Khatami, young people in Iran have steadily tested
controls on freedom of expression. The controls were imposed by the strict
Islamic revolutionaries who came to power in 1979, before many of the
students were born, with the overthrow of the US-backed shah.

In Iran's system of governance, which has three centers of power, Khatami
controls the weakest branch and has not shown the ability, or perhaps the
inclination, to open Iran's society to Western-style democracy or market

With each successive crackdown on freedom, the students have protested with
more abandon.

But nothing had come close to the clashes of the past week, and now
observers are having difficulty predicting where the tension is headed.

Clinton administration officials, who have carefully attempted to establish
dialogue with Khatami with no great success beyond cultural exchanges,
reacted to the clashes yesterday with extreme caution. Government spokesmen
sent e-mail messages to their departments telling officials to stay quiet
for now.

State Department spokesman James P. Rubin said, ''Clearly, these are
significant demonstrations that represent the desire for political change on
the part of the younger generation seeking the rule of law and freedom of
expression, and that is significant and serious.''

Rubin reiterated the administration's concern both for the students' safety
and about the use of violence ''to put down demonstrations by Iranian
students in support of freedom of expression and democratic values.''

A diplomatic cable from an Iran specialist in a Middle Eastern country,
which was read to the Globe, indicated the uncertainties of what lies ahead:

''The way things are going in the power struggle between the moderates and
extremists, it appears the important power centers are in the hands of the
extremists, not the reformers. The Security Services and the Ministry of
Interior are leading this crackdown. Khatami himself is trying to keep a low
profile and not lead a radical change.''

Khatami, the cable continued, ''wants to make sure that things don't get out
of hand, but the students are saying maybe he is not relevant. The students
are not taking orders from him. There is a fear that things could get out of
control, and there's a part of the students who want to overthrow the whole
Islamic regime.''

Michael Metrinko, one of the US hostages held for 444 days at the US Embassy
in Tehran 20 years ago, and now retired from the State Department, said
yesterday the student protesters have nothing invested in the Islamic
revolution and want to know how the government can now improve their lives.

With some estimates putting unemployment in Iran at 25 percent, ''the
government is no longer meeting their needs,'' said Metrinko. ''They are
holding out very little for their futures. These students are intelligent,
they are capable, educated, competent, they have energy. And there is
nowhere for them to go, and so they are demanding answers.''

Metrinko, who keeps in touch with many Iranians through e-mail and on-line
chat groups, said he did not believe the students were turning against
Khatami, ''but they are realizing he is not going to be as effective as they
would have liked. The honeymoon has gotten stale. And Iranians, like
everyone else, lose patience after a while.''

William R. Royce, former head of the Voice of America-Farsi service and a
longtime Iran observer, said the nation's youth ''don't want to be cut off
from the rest of the world.''

Royce, speaking as a private citizen and not on behalf of the US government,
compared the recent protests to the rallies against the shah in the summer
and fall of 1978.

''The difference,'' Royce said, ''was that the shah was willing to go.''
Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, ''has no place to go. He's
got to fight to the bitter end.''

Yesterday's protests came despite a ban on all rallies and marches by the
government and calls for calm by Khatami and Khamenei.

On Monday, Khamenei delivered a highly charged speech condemning the
dormitory attack, saying the ''bitter incident has broken my heart.''

He blamed ''enemies,'' including the United States and Israel, for the
deaths. A crowd of several thousand responded by chanting, ''Death to

Rubin, the State Department spokesman, said the charges that America and
Israel fomented the attacks were ''utter nonsense.''

This story ran on page A01 of the Boston Globe on 07/14/99.
© Copyright 1999 Globe Newspaper Company.


Date: Wed, 14 Jul 1999 17:43:54 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/NY Times: Chaotic Protests Reign in Teheran; Vigilantes Active

July 14, 1999
Chaotic Protests Reign in Teheran; Vigilantes Active


TEHERAN, Iran -- In scenes eerily reminiscent of Iran's revolution two
decades ago, the police fired tear gas Tuesday at thousands of demonstrators
and passers-by and fired pistols and submachine guns in the air as street
battles raged through huge swaths of the capital.

The chaos and violence closed hundreds of stores, banks, gas stations,
shopping centers and office buildings and finally, extraordinarily, even the
vast bazaar in the south of Teheran.

The clogged streets smelled of fear and confusion as the worst unrest in the
Islamic republic's history was countered by tens of thousands of uniformed
and plainclothes security police, soldiers, anti-riot forces in shields and
face-covering helmets, Revolutionary Guards, intelligence operatives,
vigilantes wielding long green batons and ordinary street thugs.

The armed mobs fanned out from the area around Teheran University north and
south for miles. Security forces lobbed tear gas into crowds of ordinary
people and crowds in turn set fires in the middle of intersections. Some
soldiers and military volunteers brandished automatic weapons and gunfire
cracked across the capital throughout the day.

Iran's reformist president, Mohammad Khatami, abruptly shifted his tone
Tuesday night after days of protests and a meeting with the religious
leadership and condemned the nationwide demonstrations, which have left at
least two people dead and countless others injured or behind bars.

He and other officials made it clear that no further protests would be
tolerated. With a vast pro-government demonstration planned for Wednesday,
Defense Minister Ali Shamkhani announced that the anti-government protests
were over.

"From Wednesday on," he said, " security will be provided -- at all costs."

It was impossible to determine whether the violence in Teheran mirrored the
situation around the country. After reporting widespread protests in 18
cities on Monday, the official press suddenly fell silent Tuesday on the

The form of the protest -- and the government crackdown -- reminded older
Teheran residents of the year leading up to the revolution in February 1979.
Even one of Tuesday's slogans was borrowed from then: "Army brothers, why
kill your brothers?"

But in 1978 and '79 there was a clear, single goal, articulated over and
over: the overthrow of the Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi and the installation
of an Islamic government.

Then there were two sides: the monarchy's supporters and the monarchy's
opponents. Now there are no clear sides. What makes this political
atmosphere particularly fluid is that no one seems to know who on the street
is in charge, who wants what and who is in whose camp.

The unrest erupted on July 8 after students protested the passage of a law
curbing press freedom and the closing of a popular left-leaning newspaper.
Security forces stormed a dormitory at Teheran University that evening,
beating students and pushing them out windows.

The students want faster progress toward democracy and cultural freedoms
promised by Khatami, which have been blocked by conservative forces backing
the religious leader and ultimate power in Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. But
the students are not calling for a change in the Islamic system of

Some of the most conservative backers of the revolution Tuesday became
protesters against unnamed "traitors." Protesters claiming to be
pro-democracy university students demonstrated in front of Teheran
University and tried to storm the iron gates of the Interior Ministry even
as student groups proclaimed that they were complying with the ban against

Ordinary people with no apparent grievances silently moved in and out of the
fringes of the demonstrations. Students claimed that their movement had been
infiltrated -- by royalists, by vigilantes, by opponents of the government,
by other unnamed enemies.

After urging restraint and respect for the law on Monday, Khatami read a
statement Tuesday night on state-controlled television saying that what had
started out as a peaceful protest had degenerated into riots led by people
with "devilish aims."

The protests, he added, were threatening national security and were
"intended to attack the foundations of the system and lead the country into

The president also pledged to stop the protesters. "We shall stand in their
way," he said.

The statement underscored the limits of Khatami's authority in a system that
gives much more power to Ayatollah Khamenei, whose title is Leader of the
Islamic Revolution, than to the popularly elected president.

The ayatollah is committed to keeping the Islamic republic united behind its
revolutionary ideals and free of what he considers corrupting Western

Khatami, by contrast, has based his administration on tolerance and the rule
of law, stating repeatedly since he was elected in a landslide nearly two
years ago that a divergence of views is crucial to a healthy society. But
his statement Tuesday night said nothing critical of the vigilantes who were
attacking demonstrators in the name of Islam.

Khatami's clear statement of disapproval for the demonstrations is likely to
disappoint many ordinary Iranians, from housemaids to retirees, who saw both
the demonstrations and even the crackdown as the beginning of a process of
change, even a change in the regime.

"Iranian people are not necessarily logical," said one engineer. "They are
very emotional. They want an end to everything that they think has been a
source of misery for them. It doesn't matter to them at what cost, or
whether it's going to be followed by something much worse"

On the streets Tuesday, that emotional side was on display.

"I pray that we get rid of the savages who beat our children," said one
middle-aged woman as she watched baton-wielding men on motorcycles chase
pro-democracy demonstrators on a street corner in central Tehran. "Savages,
hooligans, that's what they are."

The woman said she had seen a dozen vigilantes beat two women with clubs
outside the university late Monday night.

Another bystander said he had seen vigilantes attack a small group of young
men who were chanting, "Khatami, we support you!" The demonstrators were
badly beaten with long batons, the bystander said, and another man who was
walking by was beaten as well.

"I just want to get rid of the filthy regime," the man said. "Anything would
be better than these clerics, even the worst criminals."

The level of criticism of the government underscores a deep frustration.
Iran suffers from an economy in crisis, high inflation and unemployment, low
investor confidence and the absence of personal security and many freedoms.

Sixty-five percent of the people are under 25, and they know little of the
revolution and the sacrifices of Iran's eight-year war with Iraq. But many
of them do know the Internet and can watch American television beamed in by
satellite. They want jobs and freedom.

"People are miserable! The clerics are acting like gods!" was one of the
slogans of the day.

In subduing the demonstrators Tuesday, the security forces seemed
determined -- at least for now -- to avoid the mistakes of the shah after
crowds took to the streets in 1978 to oppose his rule. The shah's vast
modern army and security apparatus were not trained in riot control, and
eventually opened fire on the crowds. The killings sparked a cycle of
mourning for the "martyrs of the revolution" that provoked even bigger

When thousands of people refused Tuesday night to leave Enghelab Square, one
of Teheran's largest intersections, hundreds of baton-wielding vigilantes,
many of them riding in two's on motorcycles, swooped down, witnesses said.
The vigilantes indiscriminately arrested, threatened and beat people in the
crowd, following them as they ran through the streets in search of refuge,
the witnesses added.

Uniformed security officials stood by and watched, blocking off large areas
so that the vigilantes could roam freely. By allowing their surrogates to
break up the demonstrations, the security forces seemed to be trying to
distance themselves -- and the government -- from the crackdown.

Some of the largest thoroughfares were turned into street theater for tens
of thousands of onlookers who climbed on rooftops, hung out of balconies and
windows and took up strategic positions on street corners to watch the drama
unfold. Bus service was stopped and taxis were barred for much of the day in
central Teheran, forcing thousands of commuters to walk and exposing them to
tear gas and vigilante attacks.

The state television and radio broadcast an announcement Tuesday from the
Islamic Propagation Organization, the country's biggest propaganda machine,
calling on the people to take to the streets on Wednesday in a
counterdemonstration to "defend the country's national security" and condemn
"those people who want to drag the country into anarchy."

Radio and television repeatedly broadcast a speech delivered on Monday by
Ayatollah Khamenei in which he blamed the demonstrations on unnamed
"enemies," particularly the United States.

The government, which can send hundreds of thousands of people into the
streets when it chooses, is expected to mobilize masses of diehard Islamic
revolutionaries on Wednesday to proclaim their allegiance to the Islamic
republic and condemn its enemies.

In another sign that the official tide has moved against the students, the
tone of the official news agency shifted dramatically Tuesday. The agency
had been offering detailed reports of the nationwide demonstrations and the

But Tuesday the agency was clearly back in control of the conservatives. The
reports were sketchy; no longer were the demonstrators "university
students," but are now being described as "rioters who are believed to be
backed by terrorist groups."


Date: Wed, 14 Jul 1999 17:48:26 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/NY Times: A Worried U.S. Says Little About Iran's Rising Turmoil

July 14, 1999
A Worried U.S. Says Little About Iran's Rising Turmoil


WASHINGTON -- The Clinton administration, fearful of the consequences of the
Iranian government crackdown on pro-democracy student demonstrators, is
worried that its muted public statements about the protests have been
twisted to the benefit of Islamic hard-liners, administration officials said

The administration had hoped that the demonstrations would strengthen the
hand of Iran's popular reformist leader, President Mohammad Khatami, by
making clear the public's support for democracy and the rule of law, these
officials said.

But with reports Tuesday night that the government had placed thousands of
armed troops and police on the chaotic streets of Tehran and that street
battles were raging through the capital, there was fear at the White House
and the State Department that diehard Islamic revolutionaries may have the
upper hand, and that the democratic movement could face a severe setback.

U.S. officials also worried that the crackdown would undermine hopes of
improved relations between the United States and Iran, a goal of the Clinton
administration since Khatami was elected president two years ago.

They said Khatami also appeared to be alarmed by the possibility that the
protests had spun out of control. In a televised statement Tuesday night, he
warned that he would use force to end the demonstrations, even though many
of the protesting students are among his most passionate supporters.

"There's not much we can do but sit back and watch this unfold," said a
senior administration official.

"The fact is that we have little ability any more to monitor what's
happening on the ground or influence events in Iran," he said. "And any time
we open our mouths about Iran, the hard-liners seize on it as evidence that
we're trying to interfere with their domestic politics."

The official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that a clear American
statement of support for the goals of the students "would simply backfire on
them" by empowering their extremist enemies.

Since the students took to the streets last week, the Clinton administration
has said little about the protests beyond making boilerplate statements of
support for the concepts of freedom of speech and peaceful assembly, and
urging Iran not to use force against the demonstrators.

"We have made it clear that we are concerned by the use of violence to put
down demonstrations by Iranian students in support of freedom of expression
and democratic values and the rule of law," said James Rubin, the State
Department spokesman. "And we regret the injuries, the loss of life, and
call for the respect of international human rights standards."

But Rubin was adamant in denying any suggestion that the United States was
trying to encourage the demonstrators, who have joined in protests in at
least 18 cities and towns throughout Iran.

He said it was "utter nonsense" to suggest that the United States was behind
the protests in any way.

Even the limited American comments about the situation -- and similar
statements by the Israeli government -- have drawn official protests in
Iran. In Tehran on Tuesday, a spokesman for the Iranian Foreign Ministry
called "the statements made by officials of the U.S. and the Zionist regime"
"examples of interference in Iran's internal affairs."

Richard W. Murphy of the Council on Foreign Relations, a former U.S.
ambassador to Saudi Arabia and Syria, said the Clinton administration is
best advised to say nothing about the protests.

"We should keep our mouths shut," he said. "What can we contribute?

"The Iranians are making very clear through the students their unhappiness
with the way the regime has conducted itself," he said. "And unfortunately,
given the twists and turns of U.S.-Iranian relations, anything we say is
going to be twisted by elements in the regime who want to say that the
demonstrations are the work of a foreign hand. Even the most innocuous
statement gives those elements credibility."


Date: Thu, 15 Jul 1999 00:26:42 +0100
From: "a.abdi" <a.abdi@BTINTERNET.COM>
Subject: [Fwd: The latest statements of Jonbesh Mosdalmanan-e Mobarez]

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Date: Wed, 14 Jul 1999 18:27:31 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/AFP: Beware the errors of Tiananmen, son of Iran's late Shah warns

Beware the errors of Tiananmen, son of Iran's late Shah warns
Italy - Wednesday, 14 July 1999 - Agence France Presse

ROME, July 14 (AFP) - The son of the former Shah of Iran urged Iranians
Wednesday to avoid any blood-letting and prevent events turning out like
those in Beijing's Tiananmen Square.
He spoke out after six days of student pro-democracy protests in Tehran, La
Republica reported.
"It is a new chapter in the history of my country," Reza Cyrus Pahlavi told
the Italian newspaper. "I am calling on everyone to avoid spilling blood,"
"The negative experience of the Islamic Republic is a guide to past errors:
woe to he who forgets the need for democracy and political participation."
Pahlavi said the future of the student movement would depend on the unity of
the protesters, their ability to "avoid a reaction of the Tiananmen kind
the regime," and the support they get from the West.
He was referring to the bloody 1989 crackdown on pro-democracy protestors in
Beijing's Tiananmen Square, which started with a student movement.
"We are at the point of no return," Pahlavi said. "We must avoid at all
spilling blood and (creating) anarchy" because "we are only at phase one of
the (country's) changes."
Pahlavi said Iranian President Mohammed Khatami could carry out an "Iranian
perestroika," referring to reforms launched by former Soviet president
Mikhail Gorbachev that helped trigger the fall of communism.
He added that the "constitutional monarchy" he himself represented would be
"political alternative for the future."
"What I want is to play the role of unifier, of guarantor of pluralism and
national reconciliation," in which he said "secularization (and) the
separation between religion and state" were crucial.
Pahlavi, the son of the late Shah of Iran and his third wife Farah Diba,
lives in exile in Berlin.


Date: Wed, 14 Jul 1999 18:33:09 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Corrected: Iran/US and Europe Demonstrations of this Week against the

From the:

Azadi ye Andishe......
(Liberte de Pense.......Pour Toujours......Pour
(Freedom of thought......
(Freiheit des Gedankens... immer...
(Libertą di pensiero... sempre...

Dear Friends,

The dictatorship has selected the repression of our people rather than
helping the Iranians realize their legitimate aspirations.

We have all witnessed, in various media coverages the extent of the barbaric
reaction of certain forces, who instead of protecting the Iranian citizens,
have decided to kill, beat and jail the most patriotic elements amongst us.

Only a massive support and protest will put pressure on the clerical regime,
via the world community, and prevent the arrested students from being the
victims of this regime's response to cries of freedom.

Please check the listing below! spread the message! and ask all your friends
& family members to participate. Send us any comments or news about other
events and do please show your support by participating...

Demonstrations and meetings organized in a common action by several Iranian
Associations and Political Parties:

1) Los Angeles (CA/USA)
Thursday July 15th 1999, from 05:00 PM
Wilshire Blvd, in front of the Federal Building
Information: (310) 828-0404 and (818) 704-9825

Note: 1) The Continuous Hunger Strike of the Iranian Mothers has already
started in front of this building since 7/13/1999

2) Based on CNN which will broadcast from the Federal building, a crowd over
30,000 participants are expected to participate in this demonstration (Our
sisters and brothers with access to satellite dishes in Iran could see the
degree of Your/International Support)

2) San Francisco (CA/USA)

Thursday July 15th 1999, from 06:00 PM
Union Square
Information: (415) 673-4726

3) San Jose (CA/USA)

Thursday July 15th 1999, from 12:00 - 2:00 PM
Cesar Chavez Plaza, in front of Fairmont Hotel
Information: (650) 286-0101

4) Dallas (TX/USA)

Friday July 16th 1999,

From 07:00 PM till 09:00 PM
Golden Room of Fairmont Hotel
1717 Ackard Avenue (Down Town)
Information ( 214)90 906 8181
Note: A silent march with candle will start after the hotel's meeting toward
the Kennedy Memorial (Down Town).

5) Washington (DC/USA)

Saturday July 17th, 1999, from 03:30 PM
George Washington University-Funger Hall
Junction of " G " and 22nd street
Information: [301] 365 - 7277 and (703) 319-1807.

Note: After a meeting of one hour, the participants will start a protest
march towards the Lafayette Park.

6) London - England

Friday July 16th, 1999, from 03:00 PM
Iranian Embassy
Princess Gate
Kensington Information: (181) 998-6485

7) Bonn - Germany

Saturday, July 17th, 1999,
From 10:00 till 18:00 (local time)
Bad-Godesberger Allee, Bad-Godesberg, Bonn

All political groups and human rights associations
Alle politische Organisationen und Menschenrechtsgruppierungen


End of DNI-NEWS Digest - 14 Jul 1999 - Special issue