Date: Jul 17, 1999 [ 4: 5: 38]

Subject: DNI-NEWS Digest - 16 Jul 1999 to 17 Jul 1999 - Special issue

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Subject: DNI-NEWS Digest - 16 Jul 1999 to 17 Jul 1999 - Special issue
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There are 12 messages totalling 1264 lines in this issue.

Topics in this special issue:

1. An Urgent Message for Admiral Cathan Flynn
2. [Fwd: letter to FAA]
3. Iran/ The ayatollahs' crisis: Youth, courage and
revolutionary ideas
4. Iran/Times of India: Iran cracks whip on students
5. Iran/NY Times: Town Hushed in '95 Crackdown Sees No Reason to Join Iran
6. Iran/Washington Post: Calm in Tehran Masks a Longing for Freedom
7. Iran/Reuters: Iran bans further protests
8. Iran/Christian Science Monitor: Quiet Streets Belie Student-Cleric
9. Iran/AP: Cleric Blames Outsiders
10. Iran/Washington Post: Dissidents' Deaths Are Giving Voice to Iranian
11. Ira/ Khamenei regime suppresses uprising, arrests more
than 1000
12. Iran/The Economist: Iran's second revolution?


Date: Sat, 17 Jul 1999 00:31:26 -0700
From: Kamyar Kalantar-zadeh <kalantar@POL.NET>
Subject: An Urgent Message for Admiral Cathan Flynn

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Date: Fri, 09 Jul 1999 18:18:21 -0700
From: Kamyar Kalantar-zadeh <>
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Subject: An Urgent Message for Admiral Cathan Flynn
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July 9, 1999

Admiral Cathan Flynn
US Department of Transportation
Federal Aviation Administration
Office of Civil Aviation Security
800 Independent Avenue, SW
Washington, DC 20591

Dear Admiral Flynn:

I strongly admire your exceptionally high degree of awareness and your
high intelligence (IQ) for imposing body and luggage search on all
passengers with Iranian passports. These low IQ Iranians, who are all
terrorists [since their place of birth is Iran], are so low-IQ that they
do not even change their Iranian passports when they plan to carry a
bomb into an airplane. Therefore they maintain their Iranian passports
even upon entering the US airlines with their bombs and terrorist tools,
making it possible for high IQ people like you to identify them by
issuing such highly intelligent "top-secret " directives to all security
screening points at all airports, i.e. to body search all passengers
with Iranian passports. I was wondering why the other FAA directors in
the past were not as intelligent as you are to issue such smart
directives. Didn't they know that all Iranian terrorists always carry
their own Iranian passports, which makes them identifiable?
(Unfortunately the Una-bomber was so stupid that he forgot to have his
Iranian passport with himself but this is just one exceptional case). I
am so proud of you being the head of the FAA security screening at the
airports and body searching all these stupid terrorists who are still so
stupid that they keep their Iranian passports even with a bomb in their
suitcase. You prove that terrorists are really stupid, and your
above-mentiojned directive is a historical turning point in the history
of anti-terrorist activities (Believe me I am extremely serious with
this statement)

So, please, please feel free to continue your highly intelligent
directives to protect all of us from the threat of the Iranian
terrorists with their terrorist oriented Iranian passports and their
terrorist oriented place of birth in Iran. God bless your IQ. You can
count on my unconditional support.

I would like to suggest that you issue an executive order to all US
media and US newspaper ordering them to publish more accurate data on
Iranian terrorists in the US since these (probably Iranian oriented) US
media fail to report even one single case of airplane bomb or domestic
bomb or any bomb or any pseudo bomb or any thing at all done by any
Iranian in the US over the last 20 years. (Between you and me, Admiral,
maybe all these media are run by the Iranian terrorists! So we should
perform body and luggage search on all reporters as well!)

By the way, thank you very much for body searching all those elderly
grandparents of over one million American Iranians who come to the US to
pay a visit to their children. Even these elderly people are potential
terrorists since they keep having their Iranian passports. I think we
should let their American Iranian children know that, while their
parents are visiting them in the US, they should perform body search on
a daily basis on their visiting parents and grandparents since they
might carry a bomb.

Again, god bless FAA under directorship of highly intelligent Admiral


Kamyar Kalantar-Zadeh, MD, MPH
"A double board certified specialist who does not have such a high IQ to
understand high IQ FAA directors, but yet admires them."

Please feel free to forward my above letter to everybody you feel has
enough IQ to understand it. And believe it or not, I am extremely
serious on my above letter and will follow up on you through all media,
radio and TV stations, etc. and will inform over one million Iranian
Americans in the US how smart you are. This will increase the number of
your admirers exponentially, Sir!

Contact Address:
Kamyar Kalantar-Zadeh, MD, MPH, FAAP, MemACP
2446 18th Ave., San Francisco, CA 94116
Tel: 415-566-6790
Fax: 415-566-1315



Date: Sat, 17 Jul 1999 00:33:47 -0700
From: Kamyar Kalantar-zadeh <kalantar@POL.NET>
Subject: [Fwd: letter to FAA]

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Subject: letter to FAA
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To whom it may concern:

As a member of IIC (Iranians for International Cooperation) I was
outraged to find out that the FAA has secretly mandated special search and
frisk procedures for Iranian passengers boarding on international flights.

I lodged my protest against FAA by sending them the attached email. I
circulated the email among the members of IIC. A fellow IIC member,
impressed by the letter, suggested that I forward it to you, so that you may
consider publishing it.

The text of the letter follows.

> Dear gentlemen:
> I am very happy to see you have placed anti-terrorism measures to
> the threat of Iranians. Of course, I have not seen, nor heard, a single
> instance of Iranian air-terrorism in United States. But why bother with
> details?
> As a concerned aviator, I want to ask that you extend the security
> measures to small, privately owned, general aviation aircraft as well. As
> licensed pilot (private pilot license number XXX-XX-XXX, issued 1-25-88) I
> frequently fly small aircraft, and I would like to be secure against this
> Iranian terrorist threat. Please tell me what I can do, as
> pilot-in-command, to make my plane and passengers more safe.
> Of course, there is a small, confusing detail. I am of Iranian decent
> myself. Do I need to frisk myself before I take the controls of the
> airplane? Should I, from now on, interrogate myself before starting my
> aircraft? And if I were to give my sister a ride, need I frisk and
> interrogate her as well?
> In all seriousness, FAA is well advised to rid itself of the
> nonsensical, unfounded, anti-Iranian regulations before it is exposed to a
> civil rights lawsuit.
> Sincerely yours,
> Saman
> Juris Doctor,
> Private Pilot



Date: Sat, 17 Jul 1999 05:15:08 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/ The ayatollahs' crisis: Youth,
courage and revolutionary ideas

The ayatollahs' crisis: Youth, courage and revolutionary ideas

By Robert Morton
Friday, July 16, 1999

The days of rage have returned to the streets of Tehran. Student
demonstrators, many openly supporting warmer ties with the U.S. and Israel,
have run out of tolerance for the Islamic regime of the ayatollahs. When at
least five of their number were killed by police, protests broke out in
university towns throughout the nation.

The uprising occurred at a time when a new leader in Israel was laying the
groundwork for peace accords with its hostile neighbors the most powerful of
which is Iran. Thus the prospect of another revolution in Iran has caught
everyone's attention from Jerusalem to the State Department. After all, Iran
before the fall of the Shah in 1979 was a powerful American ally and
sympathetic to Israel.

The protesters were backing Iran's allegedly reform-minded President
Mohammad Khatami. But on July 14, it became clear they had been set up like
a bowling pin. The government closed the cities, ordered its subjects into
the streets for a counter-demonstration and sentenced the students to some
good old fashioned Islamic justice.

For his part, Khatami, speaking on national television, said of the
students: I am sure these people have evil aims. They intend to foster
violence in society, and we shall stand in their way."

The U.S. administration, spinning like a top as always, wrangled this lead
out of the New York Times on July 14:

"The Clinton administration, fearful of the consequences of the Iranian
government crackdown on pro-democracy student demonstrators, is worried that
its muted public statements about the protests have been twisted to the
benefit of Islamic hard-liners, administration officials said Tuesday."

So do we have a genuine social revolution breaking out in Iran?

Readers old enough to remember when Jimmy Carter moved from Plains, Georgia
to the White House can also recall an era when the Shah of Iran made the
Persian Gulf safe for the Free World. That was before anti-American students
took to the streets and the Ayatollah Khomeini made his triumphant return
from exile in Paris in 1979.

Now his successor, the Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has tested two generations of
intermediate range missiles, including the Shabab-4 missile which has a
range of 1,400 miles and is being developed by Russian companies along the
lines of the SS-4 missile. Iran is a state sponsor of terrorism and
continues to nurture its relationships with outlaw communist states such as
North Korea and to tap Russia's strategic industries to advance its
geopolitical agenda in the Middle East which includes the destruction of

Too much is at stake for the ayatollahs to go gently into the good night.
The shah could travel to Washington. That Ayatollah Khamenei has nowhere to
go. Still before July 14, the regime had responded queasily to growing
public antipathy. When a series of dissident leaders were assassinated late
last year, the government launched a series of investigations and issued
conflicting accusations for the killings even admitting that its own
security forces were involved. Last week before finally cracking down on the
protests, Khamenei himself loudly decried the police brutality and claimed
that the students had "hurt my heart."

Visiting Tehran in late 1978 as an American correspondent left indelible
memories of a society in radical transformation Writing stories by
candlelight in a hotel stricken by the nightly power outages is one image
that comes to mind as is having a camera stripped of its film by Iranian
troops guarding the American embassy.

On the last day of the year, an interview with a government official was cut
short by a secretary hurriedly entering the office and whispering in Farsi:
"There's trouble in the streets." Just what trouble she was referring to
became clear when two Americans, one a writer the other a translator, made
their way back to their car three blocks from the office.

The mob of students advancing down the street recognized them for who they
were: citizens of the great Satan. Remonstrations by the translator that we
worshipped the same God were unpersuasive. What saved our necks was a small
group of students who somehow made the case to the majority that we were or
might be "good Americans."

And from there, on the way to the airport, we stopped at a well-known
restaurant in northern Tehran. Here to, the revolution had left its sobering
mark. That morning a person had been killed on the street within feet of the
front entrance, and the fear inside was palpable.

But no memory from that trip stands out like an earlier briefing at the U.S.
embassy. The American official was asked to comment on an item in Newsweek's
"Whispers" column that said aid to the Ayatollah's Khomeini's uprising was
being channeled from Soviet-bloc sources in East Europe. In other words, the
communists were behind this insurgency which stood to threaten American
interests not only in Iran and the Persian Gulf region but throughout the
Middle East.

The American diplomat erupted in anger. "This is a genuine social
revolution," he shouted as he terminated the interview.

Months later, that individual served more time in Iran that he had bargained
for, and without the customary leave granted the American foreign service.
He was one of the hostages in the U.S. embassy whose imprisonment helped
relieve the nation of Jimmy Carter's services for a second term.

Throughout the 1980s and '90s, Iran has been the region's most powerful foe
of both the "great Satan" and Israel, the "little Satan." The close ties
between the Shah and the United States was replaced by a strategic alliance
with the Soviet Union and now Russia.

Now as U.S. spokesmen like the State Department's James Rubin stumble around
for words to describe America's position on the uprising, Assad Homayon has
some advice. A senior fellow at the International Strategic Studies
Association, Homayoun was the shah's minister at Iran's embassy in
Washington when the throngs took power in 1979.

"The United States should not choose between bad and good clerics in Iran,"
he said. "President Khatami has lost his opportunity to promote his promised
reforms. He has betrayed the students and is under the control of Khamenei.
The United States should stand behind the freedom-loving students, the
Iranian people and the long-term peace and stability of Iran.

In other words, what we have in Iran this time is a "genuine social

The above column was published in the July 19-25, 1999 edition of the
National Weekly Edition of The Washington Times. Robert Morton is managing
editor of that newspaper and a media fellow at the Hoover Institution.

Friday, July 16, 1999


Date: Sat, 17 Jul 1999 05:23:11 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/Times of India: Iran cracks whip on students

Thursday 15 July 1999
Iran cracks whip on students

TEHERAN: Students arrested during the past two days of violent protests will
be tried as ``counter- revolutionaries,'' a top official told a huge
pro-regime rally here on Wednesday, promising a ``sweeping clean-up.''

Those responsible for violent clashes with the security forces here on
Monday and Tuesday are ``bandits and saboteurs,'' said Hassan Rouhani, the
Deputy Speaker of Parliament and secretary of Iran's top security body, the
Supreme National Security Council.

Iran's supreme leader and spiritual guide, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on
Wednesday ordered the security forces to put an end to unauthorised
demonstrations in Teheran. Iran's reformist President Mohammed Khatami, the
hero of many of the student protestors, also vowed to put down the student

In a message read on state television late Tuesday, the president described
the continued demonstrations in defiance of a government ban as ``deviations
which will be repressed with force and determination.''

Hundreds of protestors were arrested on Tuesday, many of them detained by
thousands of plainclothes Islamic militiamen who patrolled the city centre
armed with clubs, chains and makeshift weapons. Rouhani issued a stern
warning against ``foreign interference'' in the unrest and said Teheran
would respond to any country supporting the demonstrations. ``We expected
reaction from the United States and Zionist regime (Israel), but certain
other countries are making a mistake by lending their support,'' said

``Our revolution needs a sweeping clean-up and this will help advance the
cause of the regime and the revolution,'' he told a crowd of hundreds of
thousands of bedrock supporters of the regime. ``The atmosphere of our
society has been dirtied over the past few days,'' he said. ``Although our
revolution has seen this kind of thing before, it appears that we need a new
cleaning again.''

Rouhani warned that those picked up over the past two days would be tried as
``counter-revolutionaries'' and as ``corrupt of the earth.'' Both charges
normally carry the death penalty under the strict version of Islamic law
adopted after the 1979 revolution. He said that some of those arrested had
``criminal records or are known members of counter-revolutionary groups.''

Hundreds of thousands of people turned out for the rally near Teheran
University, the main focus of the six days of student protests which have
shaken Iran's Islamic regime. The show of strength on the capital's streets
had been called by the Organisation for Islamic Propaganda, the regime's
main propaganda body, on Monday shortly after the authorities banned all
anti-government protests. Demonstrators paraded pictures of Khamenei, and
messages saying: ``My life belongs to the guide.''

They shouted ``Death to America,'' ``Death to Israel'' and ``Death to the
hypocrites,'' a reference to the People's Mujahedeen, the armed opposition
movement based in Iraq.

The US, meanwhile, expressed concern over the use of force to quell the
demonstrations in Iran and said Teheran must respect the right to demand
democracy, human rights and the rule of law.(Agencies)


Date: Sat, 17 Jul 1999 05:39:37 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/NY Times: Town Hushed in '95 Crackdown Sees No Reason to Join
Iran Riots

July 16, 1999

Town Hushed in '95 Crackdown Sees No Reason to Join Iran Riots

SLAMSHAHR, Iran -- For the young men on the streets of this dusty, crowded,
unexceptional town south of Teheran, the nationwide unrest of the last week
is little more than a remote spectacle on the nightly news.

Unlike the students at Teheran University whose demonstrations a week ago
set off violent riots, these young men seem ill-informed about the closing
of a newspaper and a harsh new press law.

Unlike the pro-Government marchers who took to the streets to praise the
purity of the Islamic system and rail against the United States at rallies
throughout Iran on Wednesday, these men stayed home.

In their own way, these men are just as disaffected from the conservative
Islamic religious Government that runs their country as the students in
Teheran. They share the same desires for personal freedoms. It is just that,
here, priorities are different. The men of Islamshahr want jobs.

At an open area with a long line of public telephones, dozens of young men
compete to sell telephone cards for tiny profits as they complain about
their lives.

"Look at all of us," said one young man in his 20's, pointing to his
friends. "We're all jobless. We have nothing to do. We try to do a little
bit of business here and there and they arrest us as hooligans. That's why
there are so many drug addicts here. It's the despair," said the man, who
did not want his name used.

Asked his opinion of the events of the last week, he paused. "Don't say
anything!" one of his friends warned. "Don't say anything!"

"It's too dangerous," another said. "There are informants in our midst."

There may be another reason for the reluctance to discuss the demonstrations
and the crackdown of the last week -- and to be identified in print. The
residents of Islamshahr have seen it all before: in 1995, they had their own
violent confrontation with authority.

Once a small village that was a center for nearby cattle, sheep and crop
farmers, Islamshahr's population soared to 250,000 as peasants fled the
countryside in search of work in Teheran.

In April 1995, gasoline prices soared and bus fares doubled. Early one
morning, workers from a nearby shantytown en route to Teheran revolted. They
marched to the bigger town of Islamshahr, picking up jobless supporters,
smashing storefront windows, and setting fire to banks, gas stations and
government buildings along the way.

Unlike the latest riots, in which security forces and their vigilante
surrogates used tear gas and riot sticks to quell the crowds, the 1995
violence turned deadly when policemen in Islamshahr opened fire on the
swelling crowds. Several people were killed. By nightfall, the riots were

The next day, thousands of demonstrators were bused into town to march in
praise of the Government. The families of the dead had to compensate the
police for the spent bullets. Public mourning was prohibited. An official
death toll was never made public. The revolt of Islamshahr was over. In some
ways, it was a small-scale dress rehearsal for the recent unrest.

"In the beginning, a lot of people were happy with the demonstrations in
Teheran," said one 23-year-old unemployed driver and father of three. "But
they went nowhere. They couldn't. The same thing already happened here.
There was a riot. There was a crackdown. People got killed. Now people keep
quiet. Life is miserable. The only freedom I have is to come to the park
with my wife."

Islamshahr is a town in transition. After the 1995 revolt, the central
government in Teheran poured millions of dollars into the town in large part
to stanch dissent. Concrete shacks were replaced by apartment blocks
featuring electricity and running water. Murals of flowers and landscapes
were painted on walls.

Building codes that were abandoned after the revolution to provide
inexpensive housing for the poor were strictly enforced. Acres of cattle
farms were razed to make way for flower-filled parks and to eliminate the
powerful smell of cattle dung so close to town. The vast migration of
villagers that had swelled the town's population for two decades was
abruptly ended.

Islamshahr now boasts new roads, new monuments, a conference hall, a
cultural center, an amusement park, a university for 500 students and an
air-conditioned movie theater.

At the glittery Fajr movie theater, dedicated by President Mohammad Khatami
last year, schoolchildren and teen-agers on their summer vacations sipped
soft drinks as they watched Iran's hottest film, "Two Women," by the
feminist filmmaker Tahmineh Milani. There is a discount for everyone, the
theater manager says, because Islamshahr is "a deprived area."

The film contrasts the life of a successful career woman with her troubled
college friend, who must deal with a cruel father, a deranged stalker who is
in love with her and a loveless marriage.

At the end of the film, the stalker stabs the husband to death. Suddenly,
the wife can make her own decisions. Even though she feels like "a free bird
with no wings to fly," she talks about starting over. "I have to go to
computer class," she says. "I have to learn to drive."

The audience claps and cheers.

But the construction of a movie theater and other developments have not
solved the town's unemployment problem. The construction companies in town
prefer to hire Afghan refugees, who work long hours, receive no benefits,
earn little pay and make no complaints. At a makeshift bus station leading
to Teheran, hundreds of young workers sit and wait for day jobs that often
do not come.

At the municipality headquarters, which is undergoing extensive renovation,
Buike Moussavi, Islamshahr's Governor, insists that unemployment is not a
problem. "We have so many factories and workshops in Islamshahr," he said.
"We have workers, bakers, university professors. The land is fertile here.
We are growing everything: barley, wheat, corn, vegetables."

Moussavi said he was distressed that the town has not shaken its reputation
for unrest. "When I say Islamshahr, people always think that our protests
are very high," he said. "But we have the highest participation of any
municipality in Friday prayers every week. People shouldn't be judged by
their history. The crisis of four years ago was sparked by something
superficial. It's not that the people are carrying a grudge in their

Moussavi said that the municipality did not organize its own march in
support of the Government on Wednesday and that those who wanted to march
made the one-hour drive to Teheran. "If we had had a rally yesterday, it
would have been the biggest," he said.

Moussavi does not say much about the town's youth.

It is no secret that 65 percent of Iran's population is under the age of 25
and Iran's clerical leaders fear that they are losing -- or have already
lost -- the generation that has come of age since the the revolution. Many
of them have no particular love or hatred for the late Shah Mohammed Reza
Pahlevi or even for Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the cleric who led the

Universities are so crowded that only 1 in 10 applicants gets in. With jobs
scarce, young people must defer marriage because they cannot afford a proper
wedding and a place to live. Despite episodic easing of some restrictions,
socializing with members of the opposite sex, holding hands in public,
listening to certain kinds of music, watching foreign television and of
course, drinking alcohol, are forbidden. The official number of drug addicts
in Iran is almost two million, although unofficial figures are much higher,
particularly among the young.

On one street corner in Islamshahr, a soldier in civilian clothes, a
musician in jeans and a slicked-back puffy hairdo and a paramilitary Islamic
volunteer turned drug addict offered a chorus of complaint.

"I just exist," said the musician. "I make enough to get food and shelter.

I can't play my music except secretly. How could I ever get enough money to
get married? You'll always find me here, on this corner. I wouldn't dare go
to the park over there because everyone is addicted. They're all shooting
heroin. As for politics, I'm like a turtle who keeps my head inside my

Said the soldier: "They were students in Teheran, university students who
started these things. They know more than we do."

Then it was the turn of the Islamic volunteer with the sallow complexion and
yellow in his eyes. "Can I talk?" he said. "I fought 40 months in the war
against Iraq. When I came back the regime abandoned me. Let me tell you who
goes to the rallies like the one yesterday. I know because I used to be in
them. They are a group who gets paid for going. The youth are becoming drug
addicts. We have no freedom, no jobs, nowhere to go and have fun. So we are
all addicts. We are all addicts."

"I would hang myself if I weren't so afraid," said the musician.

"But suicide is against Islam," said the soldier. "And we believe in God."


Date: Sat, 17 Jul 1999 05:41:55 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/Washington Post: Calm in Tehran Masks a Longing for Freedom

Calm in Tehran Masks a Longing for Freedom
By John Lancaster
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, July 16, 1999; Page A16

Iran's capital was quiet yesterday after a week of violent protests and
counter-protests. But the underlying cause of the unrest -- the yearning
among young Iranians for freedom -- remains.

That yearning first registered with the outside world in May 1997, when
Iranians rejected the guidance of their conservative clerical leadership and
elected as their president Mohammed Khatemi, then a little-known mullah who
advanced the shocking view that perhaps Western-style democracy had its

Khatemi, with his radiant smile and familiarity with deTocqueville and other
Western thinkers, seemed to herald a new era of openness. But conservatives,
who still control the levers of power in Iran's theocracy, fought him at
every turn.

So when conservatives in the government shut down a liberal newspaper
supportive of the Iranian president, students at Tehran University staged
demonstrations that touched off a violent attack by police and hard-line
vigilantes. It was the worst unrest since the 1979 Islamic revolution that
toppled the pro-American shah.

For now, at least, the fury of the students and their sympathizers has been
contained. After initial expressions of support for the protesters, Khatemi
sided with the forces of order; on Wednesday, huge crowds massed in Tehran
for a carefully orchestrated, pro-government rally that featured chants of
"Death to America" and portraits of Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali

Yesterday, the university dormitories that had been the focal point of the
protests were nearly deserted. But student organizers said they would
continue to demand the firing of Tehran's police chief, a public trial of
two officers who allegedly commanded the attack on the demonstrators, and
the return of the bodies of their dead classmates.

To many Americans, Iran remains a mysterious, forbidding land of glowering
ayatollahs and mobs chanting slogans against Israel and the West. But that
is an incomplete, outdated picture. More than half of Iran's 67 million
people are 20 or younger. They have no memory of the revolution led by the
late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini or the long hostage-taking ordeal at the
U.S. Embassy.

This younger generation is hardly impervious to Western influence. Satellite
dishes, while illegal, are widely used by Iranians, who roll them out at
night or hide them under "chadors" -- a joking reference to the billowy
black robes worn by many Iranian women in public. Bootleg videos of
"Titanic" and other Hollywood hits circulate in Tehran within days of their
American release. Internet access is available through Iran's version of
America Online, a private firm called the Neda Rayaneh Institute for
Cultural and Communications Data.

Corruption and economic mismanagement, meanwhile, have undermined popular
support for Iran's clerical leadership. So, too, have the excesses of groups
such as the Basij, a volunteer force that cruises parks and affluent
neighborhoods in search of unmarried couples or mixed-sex parties -- a
flogging offense in Iran.

Many young people in Iran say they still support the Islamic system of
government. But they also yearn for more openness and accountability on the
part of their leaders. And they want the government out of their personal

In 1997, those forces converged behind Khatemi, a former culture minister
who was driven from that post by hard-liners in 1992. While Khatemi's
presidential campaign did not directly confront the religious establishment,
his emphasis on civil society and the rule of law struck a chord with young
people and women, who handed him an overwhelming victory over the candidate
favored by Khamenei, the unelected supreme leader.

Khatemi's victory has resulted in small, halting, but nonetheless
significant changes. Censorship of books and movies has eased. The social
atmosphere is more relaxed, to the point where many women now feel
comfortable wearing fingernail polish or showing a bit of hair beneath their
head scarves. After a big win by Iran's national soccer team in the fall of
1997, young men and women danced in the streets as rock music blasted from
car stereos and police looked on helplessly.

This past February, pro-Khatemi reformers captured roughly 80 percent of the
vote in nationwide elections for municipal councils -- an outcome hailed as
a major step toward true representative democracy in Iran.

Yet the conservative backlash -- led by clerics who decry the influence of
"rappers and West-struck youth" -- has been powerful and persistent.
Reluctant to directly confront the popular president, hard-liners who still
dominate the judiciary and security ministries have targeted surrogates such
as former Tehran mayor Gholamhossein Karabaschi, a key Khatemi backer
recently jailed on corruption charges. Dissident writers have been murdered.
And Khamenei has publicly challenged Khatemi's call for better relations
with the West.

Frustration with the slow pace of social change, coupled with Iran's
continuing economic woes, prepared the ground for the latest unrest.
According to news reports from the Iranian capital, residents joined
students in chanting, "We don't want a government of force, we don't want a
mercenary police," outside the gates of Tehran University. Others shouted,
"Army brothers, why kill brothers?" -- a slogan used 20 years ago by
demonstrators against the shah.

Khatemi initially expressed sympathy for the students. But as the protests
deteriorated into rioting, he was forced to defend the system of which he
remains a part. The question now is whether Khatemi -- or anyone -- will be
able to control the forces his election set in motion.

Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company


Date: Sat, 17 Jul 1999 05:43:34 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/Reuters: Iran bans further protests

Iran bans further protests

TEHRAN, July 16 (AFP) - Iranian officials will not authorise any protests in
the coming days, Interior Minister Abdol-Vahed Mussavi-Lari anounced on
state television Friday amid rumours of a fresh student rally on Saturday.
"No one has asked for authorisation and in fact no such authorisation will
be given," Mussavi-Lari said.

Student sources have indicated they might take to the streets again Saturday
to press their demands for the sacking of the police chief and the removal
of security forces from the direct control of supreme leader Ayatollah Ali

Those demands went unmet as days of unrest at Tehran university led to
bloody clashes with security forces and culminated in a clampdown on the
growing pro-reform student movement.


Date: Sat, 17 Jul 1999 05:48:42 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/Christian Science Monitor: Quiet Streets Belie Student-Cleric

Quiet Streets Belie Student-Cleric Tensions

Ayatollah Hasan Taheri Khorramabadi speaks at the first prayers since the
Tehran riots began. Iran said it was unlikely to authorize new student
demonstrations after a week of violent unrest. (Reuters)

By Scott Peterson
The Christian Science Monitor

A M M A N, Jordan, July 16 - The scale of violent protests during the past
week in Iran has rocked the Islamic Republic. But it's still unclear what
the final scorecard may turn out to be in the ongoing battle between
hard-liners and moderate reformists.

Six days of pro-democracy student protest and riots - the largest public
unrest since the 1979 Islamic revolution - gave way late on Tuesday to a
massive security crackdown and a "unity rally" on Wednesday.

Called by senior clergy, an estimated 100,000 people reaffirmed support for
the Islamic system. Portraits of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini - who ushered
in clerical rule with the Islamic revolution - and his successor Ayatollah
Ali Khamenei were much in evidence. Posters of the reform-minded President
Mohamad Khatami, ubiquitous during the student protest, were all but gone.

By yesterday, however, the streets were clear, the demonstrations apparently
at an end.
Demostrations were held in at least 10 cities, including the ones shown
above. ( / Magellan Geographix)

"I think everybody will claim victory," says a Tehran-based Western
diplomat. "For 24 hours it was good for the hard-liners, but if you step
back you will see that this week was a very visible demonstration of people
power. Taboos have been broken, and you can't put the genie back in the

"Any thinking person in the 'system' should now realize the extent of
discontent and the need for some reforms," says another Western diplomat.
"That may strengthen the president's position."

Hard-liners nevertheless sounded triumphant, and Khatami's agenda of
restoring a civil society to Iran - and even opening up to the West and the
United States - seemed to be put on hold at the moment.

Speaking at the rally, Hassan Rouhani, secretary of Iran's top security
body, blamed "bandits and saboteurs" for the violent clashes and declared:
"The atmosphere of our society has been dirtied over the past few days. ...
Our revolution needs a sweeping cleanup and this will help advance the cause
of the regime and the revolution."

Stance of Khatami
Even the popular Khatami, whose luster has dimmed in the eyes of many
students by not acting decisively enough during the crisis, took a tough
stance after the once-peaceful demonstrations devolved into riots.

Making a clear distinction between peaceful students and those who were
behind the destruction of shops and the burning of cars, Khatami blamed
people with "evil aims" and said, "we shall stand in their way."

In the past, Khatami's troubles with trying to reform Iran's political
system - despite a 70 percent landslide mandate he was given by Iranian
voters two years ago - have led to comparisons with Mikhail Gorbachev, the
Soviet leader in the 1980s whose initial reforms eventually led to the
collapse of the regime and took him along with it.

"One similarity is that neither of them wanted to destroy the system," says
a European diplomat in Tehran with long experience in the Soviet Union.
"Basically they want to maintain the status quo. They just want to have a
more humane state."

For that reason, Khatami himself may have been surprised by the tone of the
protests. "Khatami is rather conservative, and it must have been dismaying
for him that people were shouting against the leader," says one of the
Western diplomats.

"I wouldn't write Khatami off at this point, which is the inference of the
Gorbachev analogy," he adds. "But it's really a watershed - that people felt
confident enough to fight back and to shout these slogans. For a significant
minority on the street, they didn't want reform; they wanted to change the

Where Iran Goes From Here
The importance of Iran's power struggle will become only more significant in
the coming months, as Iranians prepare to vote in parliamentary elections in
February. Hard-liners could lose their grip on this key institution if
recent voting trends continue.

"People underestimate the force that public opinion has become and what a
force the press has become," says a European diplomat. "There is
unprecedented scrutiny, and it will be difficult to stop. It would be stupid
for people to try, though some people will."

The riots "gave fuel to the hard-liners, but that doesn't mean it was a
major setback," says Sadiq Zibakalam, a political scientist at the
University of Tehran. "The things that caused the disturbances are still
there, and they won't disappear just because there was a huge rally in
support of the regime."

The prospects of a Khatami victory against the hard-liners in this episode
had looked likely just a few days before, when political factions across
Iran's right-weighted political spectrum sided with the students. But
Iranians and diplomats alike say that extremists on both sides saw advantage
in more violence.

"There were lots of thugs bent on creating as much damage as possible," says
a diplomat. They "were right-wing thugs hoping to create the impression of


Date: Sat, 17 Jul 1999 05:50:48 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/AP: Cleric Blames Outsiders

Cleric Blames Outsiders

The Associated Press

DUBAI, United Arab Emirates - A hard-line Iranian cleric blamed unspecified
"foreign enemies" for the recent student protests that have wracked the
country, saying they wanted to destroy Iran's security.

The attack by security forces on a Tehran University dormitory last week was
"a very painful and regrettable incident," Ayatollah Hassan Taheri
Khorramabadi said.

"But after that a group of opportunists and our foreign enemies prepared a
plot and intended to destroy the security of the country," Khorramabadi told
worshippers at a prayer sermon at Tehran University.

The crowd shouted slogans in support of Iran's hard-line supreme leader,
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Students began their protest on July 9 after police stormed a dormitory on
the university campus. At least two people were killed and about 20
seriously injured during the ensuing protests.

Khorramabadi accused "imperialist and Zionist circles" of provoking the
rallies in Iran. Iran usually refers to the United States as "imperialist"
and to Israel as "Zionist."

"America does not want a stable Islamic government to exist in the world
because it is afraid that would be a pattern for the world's Muslims," said
Khorramabadi, a member of the powerful Assembly of Experts.


Date: Sat, 17 Jul 1999 05:54:01 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/Washington Post: Dissidents' Deaths Are Giving Voice to Iranian

The Assassinations That Have Shaken Tehran
Dissidents' Deaths Are Giving Voice to Iranian Protesters
By Howard Schneider

Washington Post Foreign Service
Saturday, July 17, 1999; Page A13

They spent their last night alone in their Tehran home. She nursed a flu. He
tended to faxes and phone calls in a sepia-toned study where aging veterans
of Iran's struggle for democracy often sipped tea and debated politics.

In and out of prison over the last 40 years, Dariush Foruhar and his wife
Parvaneh had fought the Shah, then worked briefly with leaders of the 1979
Islamic Revolution before its repressive side triumphed. A labor minister in
the first revolutionary cabinet, he was later jailed by the ruling
ayatollahs when he challenged them too.

Dariush, with his hint-of-a-handlebar mustache, and Parvaneh, who shed her
mandatory head scarf whenever possible, always criticized Iran's lack of
freedoms. But they were a couple whose lives were winding down in a trickle
of homespun protest leaflets and small-time meetings.

Which is why their violent deaths so moved Iran in a way their lives of
political action never did, dramatizing in a tragic way the nation's
struggle to decide what type of society it is to become. Others have been
killed too, and in a similar fashion. But the murders of Dariush and
Parvaneh Foruhar last Nov. 22 have remained a symbol and a rallying cry,
still vivid eight months after the crime.

When pro-democracy students took to the streets of Tehran in recent days,
the catalyst was the closing of a liberal newspaper. The broader
frustration, however, was with a system that, despite a clear majority's
desire for more openness, and despite President Mohammed Khatemi's reform
efforts, proved capable of attacking protesting students in their
dormitory--just as it had proved capable of targeting marginal figures like
the Foruhars in a series of killings that pro-Khatemi forces continue to

As the protests grew and turned violent, for instance, the killings came
back to haunt security forces yet again. Students marching through the
street shouted Foruhar's name and suggested his killers are still hiding
behind clerical robes.

On that last night in their home, Parvaneh called her sister, a conversation
the sister remembers as gloomily terse: "I'm sick," she said. "I'm going to
bed." Dariush spoke briefly with a doctor and transacted some business.

Late the next afternoon, a handful of colleagues gathered for the weekly
meeting of the Iranian National Party, a gray-haired group clinging to a
movement born nearly 50 years ago under prime minister Mohammed Mossadegh.
Down a narrow alley, they stopped near the Foruhars' gated walkway and rang
the bell.

No answer.

Someone scaled the courtyard wall and opened the gate. Mohammed Ibrahim
Holeghri, an elder of the bunch and a lifelong friend, strode to the front
door. It was unlocked. He looked to his right and saw that the door to
Foruhar's study was slightly ajar. He pushed and felt a heavy weight against
the other side.

Squeezing through the narrow opening, he found his friend propped in a
wooden chair, neatly dressed in the gray suit and collarless Nehru shirt
preferred by Mossadegh in the 1950s. A dozen stab wounds surrounded his

Holeghri phoned a colleague, then left the room and called for Parvaneh. She
was in the bedroom, crumpled on the floor wearing bedclothes and a
housecoat, her cheek slammed against the carpet, knees withdrawn beneath,
with a similar set of wounds.

The visitors sobbed, and their thoughts converged.

"These," Holeghri said of the assassins, "were professional."

In an earlier era, news of the murders would have spread quietly through a
local grapevine of dissidents and intellectuals, made more terrifying by the
official silence.

However since his election, Khatemi has struggled to liberalize Iranian
society in modest, incremental steps, fighting along the way against the
country's conservative parliament, an influential coterie of wealthy Islamic
charities and other forces skeptical of his plan to give civil institutions
more power, extend the rule of law and open the economy.

Khatemi, himself a ranking cleric, says his aim is to sustain Iran as a
religious society by modernizing it. But his first two years in office have
been spent trying to consolidate authority against opponents who have
impeached his allies and arrested his friends. As one Tehran diplomat put
it, Iran really has no government now. Or perhaps it has several, each with
its own domain.

In that climate, the seeds of a freer press were planted, and the murders of
the Foruhars became front page news. They were still a hot topic during a
visit to Tehran earlier this year. The funeral attracted thousands,
transforming the couple's largely workaday lives into an emblem of people's
desire to think and do what they want.

There are people in Iran who aggressively challenge the old order. There are
religious scholars who would recast fundamental notions of the current
system; there are clerics who vent against clerical rule; there is Khatemi
himself, a man whose range of thought is heretically broad.

Some have been harassed, some jailed. But when it came to killing, the
targets were second- and third-tier thinkers, like Foruhar. It is as if the
killers purposefully aimed low, hoping to destabilize Khatemi's presidency
without assassinating anyone with too high a profile.

What they did instead was trigger a debate in Iran's government that ended
with appointment of a commission to investigate the killings. The group
reported daily to the president, and, according to Khatemi's cabinet
secretary, suspicion focused almost immediately on the government itself.

The possibility that members of Iran's Islamic government might resort to
murder to undermine Khatemi "was not far from the mind," said cabinet
secretary Mohammed Ali Abtahi.

On Jan. 6, the government disclosed what those who saw Foruhar's body had
assumed: Agents of the state committed the killings. Subsequent reports
indicated as many as 10 agents, officially termed "rogues," were involved.
One, identified in the Iranian press as a deputy minister in the
intelligence agency, committed suicide last month in prison, reportedly by
drinking a hair-removing solution.

There still, however, is no guarantee that the full extent of the murder
plot will be made public. It was in part demands in the press for more
information that led authorities early this month to suppress publication of
the left-leaning Salam newspaper, triggering the past week's Tehran
University demonstrations. Friends of the Foruhars and relatives of other
victims say they will not be satisfied until details are divulged in a
public trial. They hope as well that a new interior minister will help
Khatemi control an agency many Iranians feel is above the law--a sentiment
echoed by the protesting students.

The fact that they even entertain such possibilities shows how Iran is
changing; what happened to Mohammed Mokhtari shows how it remains the same.

Active in a small group hoping to form a freelance writers' guild, Mokhtari
and his associates early in the fall were hauled before the country's
Revolutionary Court.

As his son Siavash relayed the story, the judge told his father that while
he might not be breaking the law, his activities threatened to cross the
society's "red lines," and could prompt retribution by "groups that act
instead of talk."

Late on the afternoon of Dec. 3, Mokhtari left his apartment on the fourth
floor of a high-rise building, walked past the security guard, local art
galleries and antique stores and down the tree-lined promenade of Vali Asr
Street toward the market at Tajlis Square.

Somewhere along the way, according to police accounts relayed to the son,
several men approached Mokhtari and took him away in a white, Iranian-made
Paykan sedan.

That night the family called police and government officials, and Siavash
made the first of several trips to the morgue. Sometimes a friend
accompanied him, and a week later the friend was successful.

"They've killed Mokhtari too," the friend screamed when he found Siavash's
father among the latest crop of unidentified corpses.

His body had been found at a cement factory on the outskirts of Tehran, a
ring of bruises around his neck.

Had she known about the discovery of Mokhtari's body, Sima Pouyandeh said,
she would not have let her husband leave for work. Mohammed Pouyandeh was
also helping organize the writers' guild, and had likewise been rattled by
the judge's warning and the Foruhar murder.

When Mokhtari disappeared, Pouyandeh's wife said her husband was "in a
twilight zone . . . asking what was to be done," and worrying about his own
life. The notion of murder and martyrdom in some ways seemed ludicrous. In a
society with such large issues under debate, a man who translated Balzac
into Persian could hardly appear threatening.

Sorbonne educated, he sustained himself, his wife and their 17-year-old
daughter in a small apartment by translating United Nations documents on
human rights and women's issues. On Wednesday, Dec. 9, they had their usual
breakfast of rolls and coffee alone, because their daughter had left early
for school and music practice. She is a violinist, partial to Bach.

Early in the afternoon, he phoned his wife to tell her he would be late
because of a writers' guild meeting.

As he left his office at a downtown research foundation, witnesses later
told his wife, three men in a white Paykan sedan presented credentials and
forced him to accompany them.

That night, Sima Pouyandeh began the same grim search that Mokhtari's family
had a week before.

"I just worried and I thought he must have been arrested. I called all the
police stations and his office. Nobody knew anything. I was crying and
begging them to do something to protect the life of my husband."

After three days she received word from authorities in nearby Shahriar who
had found a corpse that fit her husband's description dumped by a railroad
track. On a Sunday morning, she claimed the body. There was a gash on his
forehead, and a ring around his neck she thinks was made by an electric

Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company


Date: Sat, 17 Jul 1999 05:30:20 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Ira/ Khamenei regime suppresses uprising,
arrests more than 1000

Khamenei regime suppresses uprising, arrests more than 1000

Friday, July 16, 1999
More than 1,000 student and opposition leaders were arrested Thursday,
authoritative sources in Tehran said. They also reported that 12 had been
killed thus far in the uprising and that a state of martial law was in
effect in Tehran and other cities.

Iranian security forces and students clashed overnight in several cities in
the Islamic republic, opposition sources said Thursday. They said students
defied the ban on demonstrations and resumed protests. Police charged the
demonstrators with batons and fired tear gas, the sources said.

The sources did not say how many were injured. They said the demonstrations
took place in Teheran, Tabriz and Kermensha.

Earlier, Iranian student leaders said they would suspend demonstrations
until Saturday. Until then, they said, they would see whether the government
plans to respond to their demands for reform.

They said the arrests began on Tuesday night and continued into early

The government acknowledged that it was thrown off balance by six days of
student protests. But officials said the regime rebounded on Tuesday night
and on Wednesday the students had stopped demonstrating, their presence
replaced by supporters of Iran's conservative clergy.

"After setting up a crisis headquarters ... and following the crisis minute
by minute, and thanks to the national resolve which has developed, the
crisis has been brought under control," said Interior Minister Abdolvahed

Mousavi-Lari said authorities have initiated "widespread efforts" to arrest
those behind the student unrest.

The Iran Daily aligned with President Mohammed Khatami wrote that the
student protests began as a fight for justice and turned into an effort to
sabotage the state.

"This development in and of itself marks a new chapter in the history of
political activism in the country, in that the outcome of the deplorable
incident and the ensuing violence will not be manipulated in the interest of
the enemies of Islam and our people," the newspaper said.

Wednesday, July 14, 1999



Date: Sat, 17 Jul 1999 05:57:50 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/The Economist: Iran's second revolution?

The Economist
Iran's second revolution?


CAN a revolution, as rigorous and all-encompassing as Iran's, be civilised
step by step? President Muhammad Khatami, with his ambition to impose a
"civil society" on the country's Islamic framework, has been endeavouring to
do just that. All too often his progress is two steps back for each one
forward. His is undoubtedly a government of good intentions. But he is
trapped between the frustrated, impatient young-60% of today's Iranians were
toddlers or not yet born at the time of the 1979 Islamic takeover-who urge
him to race ahead, and conservative clerical overlords who wait watchfully
to trip him up, and more often than not succeed in doing so. Now, with Iran'
s audacious students battling in the streets against the authorities in the
most open act of political defiance since the earliest years of the Islamic
republic, the future of Mr Khatami's gentle reforms are in doubt.
The students' challenge began as a limited protest against a law that set
out to reverse the relative press freedom that is the reformist government's
one tangible achievement. This was one reverse too far: Iran's young cherish
a packet of grievances, ranging from the acute shortage of jobs to the
social restrictions that ban most boy-and-girl outings. Restrictive though
it is, the system allows discussion of these complaints, and many niggling
rules have been quietly eased since Mr Khatami took over. But after the
police and their allies, the Islamist bully-boy militia, raided dormitories
in Tehran University, killing at least one student and probably more, the
shout for change began to penetrate out-of-bounds areas. The students
started to call for fundamental reforms, questioning the legitimacy of
clerical control. They even, albeit tentatively, challenged the sacrosanct
heart of Iran's Islamist edifice, the ultimate authority of the "supreme

So bold an assault on their bastions of power was intolerable to the
clerics, not excluding Mr Khatami, who is scrupulous about operating within
the system. Moreover, however different their visions of an Islamic society,
the president has been careful to work closely with Ali Khamenei, the
ayatollah who succeeded Khomeini as supreme leader in 1989. Unable to calm
the hot-heads, he could do little but plead for the law to be respected. The
students were told to stay off the streets, an order many of them disobeyed.

The result on Tuesday, the sixth day of protest, was chaos in Tehran.
Students rampaged through the city, burning tyres and throwing stones. They
were met by the police, shooting in the air and firing tear-gas, plus the
ever-present and far less temperate vigilantes. Both Ayatollah Khamenei and
Mr Khatami denounced the rioters, claiming they had little to do with the
original student protest: the ayatollah added chillingly that the Basij, the
Islamic militia, had his full support "to intimidate and crush" the enemies.

The latest crackdown is by no means the first suppression of civilian
protest in the past ten years. It is, however, the first time that the
security services have taken on any group as articulate and well-connected
as the country's students. Iranian students, who now number over a million,
showed their muscle 20 years ago when their widespread demonstrations inside
Iran, and their energetic organisations outside, helped bring down the shah
and his secular regime. Could they bring down the Islamic regime? History is
unlikely to repeat itself quite like that.

Iran's pre-revolutionary students (many of whom were communist rather than
Islamist or democratic) were far better organised than the current lot. They
had the determined aim of getting rid of the shah, his corrupt entourage and
his western ways and buddies. They were in tune with many sections of the
population, alienated from the shah and his security apparatus. Moreover, by
the late 1970s, the shah's support had crumbled. He had no solid base
fighting to keep him in power.

Fire in the belly, or fire next time?

By contrast, today's protesting students may dislike the firm clerical
framework of their state-which shows no sign of crumbling-but most of them
still support a government that they enthusiastically helped to bring about
through their votes for Mr Khatami. Their aims, therefore, are diffuse. They
want many of the same things that the president and his reformist ministers
are struggling for: more jobs, fewer petty rules, greater freedom of
expression, less interference with the electoral system and better relations
with the West, above all the United States. Since they share many of its
goals, their aim is not to undermine, let alone get rid of, the government.
Rather, they would like to put fire in its belly.
Will they succeed? The current protests share one quality with the earlier
ones: their unpredictability. The results in 1979 were not what many of the
protesters expected. As a new biography of Khomeini relates (see article),
the revolution was hijacked by the ayatollah's unwavering determination to
set up a strict clerical state: revolutionaries with other aims found
themselves pushed aside. The students now fighting to get Mr Khatami to
accelerate change could inadvertently bring about a conservative backlash
that sweeps away the power of a man who, despite all his caution, is
suspected by many clerical diehards of being an Iranian Gorbachev. The hope
must be that, out of this week's incidents, he and the students will both
prevail, promoting reform that opens Iran to genuine freedom and democracy.


End of DNI-NEWS Digest - 16 Jul 1999 to 17 Jul 1999 - Special issue