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Subject: DNI-NEWS Digest - 18 Jul 1999 to 19 Jul 1999 - Special issue

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Subject: DNI-NEWS Digest - 18 Jul 1999 to 19 Jul 1999 - Special issue
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There are 16 messages totalling 1213 lines in this issue.

Topics in this special issue:

1. Iran/WorldTribune.com: Iran calls on citizens to inform on students
2. Iran/News Week: The Beginning of the End?
3. Iran/BBC: Iran names protests 'mastermind'
4. Iran/London Times: The revenge of the ayatollahs Riots put Iranian reforms
at risk
5. Iran/AP: Iran Releases 750 Protesters (Over 450 remains in custody)
6. Iran/London Times: Mullahs in full cry to turn back time
7. Iran/NY Times: Shadow drama in Iran
8. Iran/Reuters: Iranian Students To Meet Security Body Over Unrest
9. Editorial Implicates Nateq Nouri in Architecting Street Unrest
10. Fwd: Large Scale Crack Down in Iran Continues: Fear of Torture, Fear of
Death!
11. Fwd: Statement by Collegiate Committee in Defense of Political Prisoners
12. The Join Statement of Abbas Amir Entezam and Heshmatollah Tabarzadi issued
on 7/12/99 from the Evin Prison
13. Iran/Part 2: Statement by Mr. Abbas Amir-Entezam and Mr. Heshmatollah
Tabarzadi
14. Iran/The Communique of HM Reza Pahlavi II about the imprisonment of the
Iranian Students
15. Sydney's protest and demonstration
16. (no subject)

----------------------------------------------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 09:16:57 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/WorldTribune.com: Iran calls on citizens to inform on students

Iran calls on citizens to inform on students

Special to World Tribune.com
MIDDLE EAST NEWSLINE
Saturday, July 17, 1999

NICOSIA [MENL] -- Iranian authorities on Friday called for information on
students who clashed with police or destroyed government property earlier
this week.

The Intelligence Ministry issued a statement that appealed to Iranians to
provide names of students who participated in the illegal demonstrations.
The statement listed telephone numbers and pledged anonymity to informers.

The ministry said a number of students were arrested. It did not elaborate.

Iranian leaders said those students convicted of destroying property would
face the death sentence.

On Friday morning, Teheran was reported quiet as students stayed off the
streets. Student leaders, however, said they would resume demonstrations.

The student leaders also expressed disappointment with President Mohammad
Khatami, whom they accused of siding with the conservative clergy against
efforts to institute reforms. The leaders also said they were amazed by a
statement by Khatami's council that only person was killed in last week's
riots.

Meanwhile, the Iranian Foreign Ministry filed a protest with Turkey for the
assertion by Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit that the student riots were a
"natural reaction to an outdated regime of oppression."

The Foreign Ministry termed Ecevit's remarks "irresponsible" and "against
the principle of good neighborliness" and demanded an official explanation
from Ankara.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 09:31:53 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/News Week: The Beginning of the End?

News Week
July 26th, 1999

The Beginning of the End?

Raised on a too-strict diet of totalitarian Islam, young Iranians could
forge the first modern-and moderate-Islamic society

By Fareed Zakaria

Mohammed Khatami does not look like Mikhail Gorbachev. Iran's president is
bearded and robed in high-clerical fashion. There's no birthmark on his
forehead that needs airbrushing. Yet Khatami is often called "Ayatollah
Gorbachev," and with good reason. Like the former Soviet leader, Khatami is
trying to pry open a closed and bankrupt system of government. Like
Gorbachev, he will probably get a lot more than he bargained for. "The most
dangerous moment for a bad government," Alexis de Tocqueville once wrote,
"is usually when it begins to reform itself."
Iran is ripe for counterrevolution. Twenty years ago the Iranian revolution
swept away the shah, who was equal parts modernizer and egomaniac. Since
then, the country has been subjected to a disastrous experiment in social
and ideological engineering, akin to the communist revolution in Russia.
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini wanted to remake all of Iranian society on
Islamic principles. But unlike the Soviet revolution, Iran's petered out
within only a decade. By 1989, having utterly failed to foster a Pan-Islamic
revolution across the Middle East, failed to create an Islamic economy (or
an economy of any kind) and having failed to defeat Iraq in an eight-year
war, the country was, in the phrase of the scholar Fouad Ajami, "a cynical
and weary state."

It was against this cynical and weary state that tens of thousands of
students demonstrated last week in 15 cities. Those protests could mark the
beginning of the end of the Islamic republic. First, some caveats: this is
not the Soviet Union in 1989. Iran still has a vast group of believing
revolutionaries. In addition, Khomeini's successor as "Supreme Leader of the
Iranian Revolution," Ayatollah Ali Khamenei-who outranks President Khatami
and serves for life-is a dedicated opponent of any reform. The student
protests were quickly countered by impressive pro-regime demonstrations.
More significantly, President Khatami felt compelled (or was coerced) to
denounce the students.

And yet, these were the largest demonstrations seen in Iran since 1979. They
voice the frustrations of millions of young, energetic Iranians who have no
memories of the tyranny of the shah or the euphoria of the revolution.
(Sixty-five percent of Iranians are under 25.) Make no mistake, these
students are not radical Westernizers or anti-Islamic zealots. They simply
seek a less oppressive, less dogmatic system of government. Their demands
are limited-jobs, an end to intrusive Islamic restrictions of individual
rights and greater freedom of expression. (The protests began when the
government shuttered the liberal newspaper, Salam.)

Islamic societies do not seem able to make the transition to modern
societies with individual rights, separation of church and state and a
prosperous economy. Scholars search far and wide for pockets of
liberalization and triumphantly point to a reform here and there in some
small country-Jordan, Tunisia and Oman are the usual favorites. But in the
long run, Iran may prove to be the birthplace of a modern, moderate, Islamic
society. By turning Islam into a totalitarian ideology, the mullahs have
tarnished its appeal to the historically faithful. Having had a full dose of
dogma, Iranians might yearn for secularism and cosmopolitanism. Travelers to
Iran are often struck by the fact that while the regime is obsessively
anti-American, many Iranians, particularly the young, are obsessively
interested in the United States. The official denunciations of America in
all its forms has given the United States a heady, furtive allure that
neither McDonald's nor MTV could ever create. The "Great Satan" has become
the great seducer.

Iran has a pope of sorts in its supreme ayatollah. This might actually help
the cause of liberalization. After all, in the West, the presence of a
powerful pope created resentments and rivalries among the rulers of Europe.
They rebelled against Rome, often and with arms. And it was as a result of
the battles between popes and princes that-exhausted by the perpetual
religious warring-they moved toward the separation of church and state.
Because the Islamic world has no pope, it can have no such challenge to the
papacy. Except in Iran.

The Iranian regime has stood itself athwart modernity and said "No!" It will
surely fail in this quixotic endeavor. How long and what form its failure
will take-gradual evolution or bloody revolution-is difficult to predict.
The demonstrators' demands are small and the protesters are still a weak
force in society. But the tensions raised are unlikely to settle down to a
quiet death. A chain reaction, however slow, has begun. De Tocqueville
explains: "The inevitable evil that one bears patiently seems unbearable as
soon as one conceives of the idea of reforming it. Every abuse that is then
eliminated seems to highlight those that remain." He was writing of the
years before the French Revolution. But it rings true of Iran today.

Newsweek, July 26, 1999

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 10:15:39 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/BBC: Iran names protests 'mastermind'

BBC World: Middle East
Iran names protests 'mastermind'

Monday July 19th, 1999

The unrest has been the worst seen in Iran for 20 years

The Iranian Intelligence Ministry has said that a student it has arrested
was behind the recent student unrest in the country.

It said Manuchehr Mohammadi, accompanied by a colleague, Gholam Reza
Mohajeri, had taken part in meetings abroad with Iranian
counter-revolutionary groups and western human rights organisations during a
recent four-month visit to the United States, Turkey and other European
countries.

It was not clear whether Mr Mohajeri was also detained.

The ministry said both had received instructions from abroad to set up
illegal student organisations with the aim of promoting the restoration of
the Iranian monarchy and creating tension.

Correspondents say that Mr Mohammadi was active in a small nationalist
students' union and had been briefly detained after his foreign trip.


Releases

Meanwhile, 750 people who were arrested during the pro-democracy unrest have
been released, the Tehran Times newspaper reported on Monday.

It quoted an unnamed government official as saying 450 other people remain
in detention, and that their cases are "under investigation".

The daily Arya also reported that five student leaders have been released.
It was not clear whether they were among the 750 reported freed.

The protests began when police stormed a Tehran University dormitory on 9
July, hours after students rallied to protest the banning of a liberal
newspaper, Salam.


In large-scale demonstrations which followed in subsequent days, three
people were killed.

The Iranian authorities have blamed the unrest, the worst since Iran's 1979
Islamic Revolution, on the Iraq-based Mujahedeen Khalq, the largest Iranian
opposition group.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 10:19:08 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/London Times: The revenge of the ayatollahs Riots put Iranian
reforms at risk

July 18 1999 MIDDLE EAST
The London Times

The revenge of the ayatollahs Riots put Iranian reforms at risk
by Colin Smith and Shirzard Bozogmur, Tehran

With demands for the execution of those guilty of mohareb (making war on
God) or mofsed (spreading corruption) ringing in their ears, students from
Tehran University dispersed for the long summer break yesterday. Behind them
they left dormitories wrecked by rampaging Islamic vigilantes who invaded at
4am and announced their arrival by reciting the names of Shi'ite saints.
The violence that followed was the start of six days of the kind of scenes
Iran has not seen on its streets since shortly after the overthrow of the
shah 20 years ago. It has set back the cause of Mohammed Khatami, its
reforming president, who has been doing his best to nudge his country into
selected parts of the 20th century.

For many Iranians, mohareb and mofsed are words that will bring back the
terror that followed the collapse of the Peacock Throne, when the Iranian
revolution, like so many before it, began to devour its own. They are the
terms the mullahs used in their purge of their leftist and liberal allies
whose resistance to the shah could not conceal minds contaminated by
"unislamic" notions.

Now there are fears that Iran is about to witness a witchhunt for the
student leaders responsible for organising the protests at the carnage
wrought by the vigilantes known as Ansar-e- Hezbollah. The students claim at
least five people have died and 500 have been arrested.

A Tehran newspaper reported hysterical scenes when a busload of young people
were taken from a city centre police station to Evin prison, notorious for
torture and mangled executions under both the shah and the ayatollahs. More
arrests seemed likely after a member of the university's board of governors
announced during Friday prayers at the campus mosque that the student
movement suffered from infiltration, treachery and ignorance.

What really seemed to get under the skin of the ruling clerics and their
supporters were the slogans. Never has the ruling theocracy been so roundly
condemned in public. "Mullahs become God while the people become beggars,"
the students yelled, and: "No more phoney parliaments!" The last was a
reference to the conservative-controlled parliament that blocks Khatami's
reforms.

Even one of the most popular slogans of the Islamic revolution was hijacked,
words the youthful protesters had picked up from the old television news
film screened at every revolutionary anniversary. "Soldier brothers, why do
you kill your mother's other son?" they chanted before the next tear gas
grenade sent them running back.

Facing them were the riot police and the Basij militia. The Basij are
usually young men of about the same age as the students but generally from
the kind of tough, poor and conservatively minded neighbourhoods that rarely
nurture fraternal feelings for those in full-time higher education. "We
donate to our leader the blood in our veins," answered the Basij. The leader
in question is Ayatollah Sayed Ali Khamenei, the supreme spiritual leader.

For the past two years the ayatollah and the conservative Islamic clerics
who support him have been involved in an increasingly bitter power struggle
with Khatami, who is also an ayatollah but has read Kant and Hegel as well
as the Koran.

Ever since his election in May 1997, the president has been at loggerheads
with Khamenei, around whom are gathered all those senior clerics who fear
change for the way it would erode their wealth and power. Even more tangible
than his spiritual clout is the supreme leader's control of the army, the
Basij and the police.

Fearing the imposition of martial law, Khatami has succeeded in reining in
the hotheads among his supporters. "The students surprised almost everybody
and that includes the government," said Dr Sadegh Zibakalam, who teaches
political science at Tehran University.

"Even I was surprised and I've been saying for some time it was going to
happen."

Last week's troubles in Tehran began when a student demonstration, probably
no more than 200-strong, against the closure of a cautiously reformist
newspaper, was pursued back to the dormitories by the police, blatantly
accompanied by members of the Ansar-e-Hezbollah. A hostel was stormed
shortly before dawn.

The next day there was a bigger demonstration and demands for the dismissal
of the country's police chief, Hedyar Loftfian. Khatami and even some
shocked conservative clerics promised an inquiry and two senior policemen
were dismissed.

But by now it had become quite apparent that one of Khatami's worst fears
had been realised: his young supporters were out of control. An impassioned
appeal by the president for them to stop before they endangered his reforms
was mostly ignored. In the end, the beleaguered president was obliged to
begin using the language of his opponents and, in a televised address,
accused the leaders of the riot of having evil aims.

The triumphant conser- vatives' response was to stage the kind of
orchestrated rally most Iranians have seen a thousand times before. There
were the old, comfortable slogans about death to the USA and Israel. A
crowd - state-controlled television estimated it at 1m and most neutral
observers said no fewer than 500,000 - heard speaker after speaker blame the
disturbances on foreign conspirators in their midst.

Elections for a new parliament take place next February. Khatami has until
then to wrest control away from the conservatives and get his reform
programme back on track.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 10:22:17 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/AP: Iran Releases 750 Protesters (Over 450 remains in custody)

Monday July 19 8:25 AM ET
Iran Releases 750 Protesters

DUBAI, United Arab Emirates (AP) - Iranian authorities have released 750
people who were arrested during the pro-democracy unrest last week, the
Tehran Times daily reported today.

It quoted a government official as saying 450 other people remain in
detention, and that their cases are ``under investigation.'' The report did
not name the official.

Also today, the Farsi-language Arya newspaper reported that five student
leaders were released. It was not clear whether they were among the 750
reported freed.

The protests have highlighted the struggle between reformists in the
government, led by President Mohammad Khatami, and the conservatives who
control the police, judiciary and broadcast media.

Meanwhile, a member of the Islamic Association of Tehran University Students
told the Neshat daily that association members have been threatened by
hard-line militants.

``We have been identified (as student leaders) and seriously threatened,
even by death,'' Reza Hojjati was quoted as saying.

The newspapers were monitored in Dubai.

The protests began when police stormed a Tehran University dormitory on July
9, hours after students rallied to protest the banning of a liberal
newspaper.

The next day, thousands of students protested in the streets of Tehran, and
within days the demonstrations swelled and spread to other cities. Riot
police began cracking down on July 12. Three people were killed - a student,
a cleric and a soldier.

Authorities have blamed the unrest, the worst since Iran's 1979 Islamic
Revolution, on the Iraq-based Mujahedeen Khalq Organization, the largest
Iranian opposition group. They said Mujahedeen agents infiltrated protests
and urged students to clash with police.

Officials also have claimed that the United States was behind the violence.
In a statement last week, supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei accused the
United States of fomenting the unrest, saying ``the mean and wretched
enemies of Islam and the revolution'' think that Iranians would allow the
``criminal United States'' to dominate Iran.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 10:27:05 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/London Times: Mullahs in full cry to turn back time

Mullahs in full cry to turn back time

London Times
7/18/1999

Political reforms to an authoritarian government is one of the most perilous
tasks any national leader can undertake. If he moves too fast, he may
unleash chaos or provoke a backlash from entrenched interests. If he moves
too slowly, his followers may withdraw their support.

Over the past 10 days of riots and demonstrations, President Mohammed
Khatami of Iran has learnt how difficult it is to keep one's balance on that
political tightrope while buffeted by the swirling winds of competing
interests.

For two years after his landslide election, Khatami displayed extraordinary
skill in threading his way through the complexities of Iran's multiple power
centres. The presidency is only one of several decision-making institutions,
and it is not the most powerful.

The "supreme leader", Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, commands the security forces
and controls the judiciary. He represents the revolutionary old guard and
those elements of the clergy that took power from the shah 20 years ago.

Khatami has been unfailingly deferential to the leader. He has succeeded in
getting Khamenei's tacit blessing for many of his policy innovations,
including Iran's lowered profile on the Salman Rushdie affair, his own CNN
address to the American people, academic and artistic exchanges, free
elections to municipal councils and the formation of political parties.

Similarly, Khatami has been respectful of the Majlis (parliament), even when
it has launched impeachment proceedings against some of his ministers.

In his pursuit of accommodation, Khatami lost some battles. A close
colleague, the popular mayor of Tehran, was packed off to jail on dubious
charges. Reformist newspapers and magazines have been relentlessly harassed.
The Ansar-e-Hezbollah, the self-appointed guardians of revolutionary purity,
were permitted to break up lectures and physically attack reformist
speakers.



Crowds for Khamenei: a rally backs
the supreme leader
Photograph: Atta Kenare
But Khatami had his eye on a longer-term strategy. His objective was to put
in place a set of popular and representative institutions - a freer press,
independent local councils, a blossoming of non-governmental organisations -
that would provide outlets for alternative views and constrict the space
available for authoritarian forces to intervene in day-to-day politics.

For two years, that policy seemed to be working. Khatami's smiling face and
the immense popularity of his social agenda, especially with Iran's young
people and women, seemed to offer no target for a counter-attack and the
grumbling of hardliners merely reinforced the image of a self-indulgent
"mullahcracy" devoid of ideas and imagination.

The first ominous signs that elements of the hardline opposition were no
longer willing to play by the rules came last autumn, when a number of
writers and reformists were murdered. This was identified as the work of
renegade elements in the information ministry. At the insistence of the
Khatami government, but with the acquiescence of some prominent
conservatives, a number of arrests were made. The ringleader, Saeed Emami,
was later reported to have committed suicide in prison, leading to
suspicions that his death covered up links to more senior figures in the
governing elite.

The latest phase of this drama began innocently enough on July 8. During
final examination week at Tehran University, students demonstrated against a
new bill to restrict journalists and against the closure of Salam, a
reformist paper that had published handwritten documents of Emami proposing
a crackdown on the press.

That night, elements of the police and Hezbollah toughs launched a vicious
assault on university dormitories. They sprayed tear gas, broke down doors,
torched rooms and threw students out of windows. It appeared the hardliners
had again gone too far and students protested throughout the country.

What happened over the next few days is murky. The government claims
"terrorists, bandits and saboteurs" penetrated the student movement and went
on a rampage, shouting anti-regime slogans and calling for Khamenei to step
down.

The students agree that they lost control, but claim at least some of these
intruders were Hezbollahis who were trying to create a pretext for a
crackdown. The sequence of events had all the hallmarks of a
well-orchestrated covert action, using mobs to discredit and reverse a
popular movement.

The government seized the opportunity and cracked down hard. Club-wielding
Hezbollahis, backed by paramilitary forces, crushed the demonstrations, and
on Wednesday the regime held a triumphal rally at the university to proclaim
that order had been restored. Khatami was obliged to distance himself from
the rioters.

Many of Khatami's supporters are disappointed and angry, and the hardline
security elements are in full cry. Whether spontaneous or contrived, the
developments of the past week have exposed a rupture between those committed
to political and social reform and those who are determined to maintain the
status quo. Nevertheless, the values that Khatami represents are supported
by the overwhelming majority of the Iranian population.

Khatami has shown himself to be a skilful politician and he is not lacking
in courage or resources. If next February's parliamentary elections are
free, they could well produce a Majlis that is more responsive to his reform
agenda.

But Khatami has been warned that this contest is not for the faint-hearted.
After last week's attempted coup, his skills will be put to the test as
never before.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 10:30:07 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/NY Times: Shadow drama in Iran

The New York Times
Sunday, July 18, 1999

Shadow drama in Iran
Elaine Sciolino / New York Times

TEHRAN, IRAN -- Things are not always what they seem in this country of high
walls and black veils. Invasions, occupations, foreign meddling and
arbitrary rule over the centuries have have made politics a dangerous game,
and Iranians have learned some survival strategies: improvisation,
role-playing and deception.

So it was natural that the unrest last week in Iran, the worst since the
early days of its 1979 revolution, produced images that sometimes betrayed
reality: There were students who didn't look like students, policemen who
didn't look like policemen, true believers who weren't really true
believers.

Masquerade is a large part of the Iranian reality, and it helps explain why
events unfolded there with such baffling turnabouts and surprises: One day
tens of thousands of protesting students were in the streets chanting for
more freedom. The next day an even larger crowd, summoned by conservatives,
denounced the students. And the following day a calm settled over the
streets, almost as if nothing had happened.

The crisis started when students at Tehran University protested a tough new
press code and the closing of Salam, a newspaper supportive of Iran's
reformist president, Muhammad Khatami. Islamic vigilantes and security
forces stormed a dormitory, beating students as they slept and pushing some
from windows.

For six days students, who were probably infiltrated by their enemies, took
to the streets, but the demonstrations deteriorated into rioting; security
forces and street thugs used as surrogates swept the demonstrators off the
streets with tear gas and truncheons. Huge crowds followed up with
government-organized counter-demonstrations. This time the students stayed
home.

And then a new quiet left it difficult to figure out who had won or lost or
where or when the next battle would take place.

Epic drama

One way to look at these events is as the latest scenes in a national epic
drama. The students' frustrations with the strict Islamic system have been
building for years. But before last week, they were mostly expressed in
private, much as the conflict between Khatami's followers and Islamic
conservatives has developed behind the scenes. Once the frustrations burst
into public view, the play-acting that infuses much of Iranian politics
accelerated the chain of events, with each side reaching for the most
dramatic way to make its point.

"Iranians are like wheat fields," one saying goes. "When the storm comes,
they bend; when the storm passes, they stand up again."

Another goes: "Iranians are like water in a vase. If the vase is a globe,
they become a globe; if the vase is long-necked, they become long-necked."

The sudden about-face, too, is a familiar part of Iranian history. On Aug.
2, 1953, 2.5 million people heeded the call of their nationalist prime
minister, Muhammad Mossadegh, and voted to dissolve a parliament he called
obstructionist.

Seventeen days later, a coup d'etat financed by the Central Intelligence
Agency ousted Mossadegh and restored the monarchy.

That day, his supporters stayed home.

Often what is happening can be tolerated; the exposure of what is happening
cannot. So it was perfectly acceptable when people complained about Iran's
supreme-leader-for-life, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, in private. But when people
appeared in the streets calling for the downfall of dictators in general and
for Khamenei's resignation in particular, the regime had to reply -- not
just by organizing the counter-demonstration calling for the ayatollah's
long life, but by playing images of that demonstration over and over on the
TV system, which the ayatollah controls.

And it was perfectly understandable that the government switched off
Tehran's cell telephones. Students in the demonstrations on the whole were
privileged; they communicated with one another, and with journalists, over
their cell phones. This was open talk, and it had to stop.

Complicating any effort to figure out who is who and what level of protest
is permissible is that Iran's clerical government is split in two, but the
sides have a lot in common.

Iran's elected president has preached tolerance and the rule of law.
Khamenei cares more about keeping the revolution Islamically strict and
keeping anti-Americanism high. And under the constitution, he holds more
cards, controlling the armed forces, intelligence and security apparatus,
judiciary and radio and television.

But on TV last week, the two men switched roles. Despite his reformist
message and friendly manner, Khatami is a cleric, too, and he is on record
as supporting the constitution and the concept of supreme leader. As he has
done before, he played the bad cop, warning that the regime would do
whatever it had to to keep order. By contrast, the normally aloof Khamenei
played the father figure ready to sacrifice himself for his children. At one
point, he said the violence at the dormitory had broken his heart.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 10:33:21 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/Reuters: Iranian Students To Meet Security Body Over Unrest

Monday July 19 4:29 AM ET
Iranian Students To Meet Security Body Over Unrest

TEHRAN (Reuters) - Iran's pro-democracy students said Monday they would meet
representatives from Iran's top security body to demand that those
responsible for a bloody police-led assault on student hostels be
prosecuted.

A student leader told Reuters that the meeting later Monday with the Supreme
National Council for Security follows a series of consultations between
student leaders and senior Shi'ite Muslim clerics in the holy city of Qom.

He said student leaders also held talks with the ministers of intelligence
and interior about the raid on the student hostel by police and conservative
vigilantes earlier this month, which ignited six days of protest and
culminated in riots in central Tehran.

``We will demand the identification of those responsible for the attack and
those who took part in the attack against the dormitory,'' said the student
leader, who asked not to be identified.

He said student groups had put the number arrested in connection with the
unrest at about 1,400 but said many of those detained for taking part in the
riots were not students.

``A large number of the 1,400 are not students but the people who attacked
buses and public buildings, and this was not our wish. We asked students
sitting in not to leave the university. Unfortunately, some groups tried to
take advantage of the sit-ins and engaged in riots.''

Iranian authorities say the unrest, some of the worst since the 1979 Islamic
revolution, was largely the work of ''deviants'' encouraged and financed by
hostile foreign powers. Sunday, the Intelligence Ministry said it had
detained a student activist, Manouchehr Mohammadi, for fomenting the unrest.

The ministry said Mohammadi had recently traveled to the United States and
Turkey, where he held private meetings with ''counter-revolutionaries.'' It
said he had traveled to the United States with a colleague, Gholamreza
Mohajerinejad, but it was not clear whether he was also detained.

Police and hardline vigilantes ran through the hostels of Tehran University
on July 8 to crack down on a peaceful protest by pro-democracy students
against the suspension of a leading moderate newspaper by a conservative
court.

Students say many were injured and at least five were killed. The
authorities have so far confirmed only one death.

The crackdown sparked days of increasingly angry protests on the university
campus and sympathy rallies in many cities across Iran to demand the arrest
of those responsible and the sacking of the hardline national police chief.

The authorities outlawed further protests and charged that foreign hands,
notably the United States and Israel, were manipulating the crisis.

The students have said they would not call further protests until their
leaders met members of the Supreme National Security Council.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 10:47:03 -0700
From: Arash Alavi <aalavi@US.ORACLE.COM>
Subject: Editorial Implicates Nateq Nouri in Architecting Street Unrest

The showdown continues


By Soma in Tehran The Iranian July 17, 1999


In his starkest exposition to-date, Akbar Gangi directly
implicated Nateq Nouri in his Sobh-e Emrooz editorial.

Gangi, a leading ideologue of the reform camp, who was in
detention last year for his article appearing in Kiyan
magazine (Fascism is the First Satan), has been hazarding
out a conspiratorial theory since last year. According to
this theory, the Hardline is preparing for an all out coup,
code-named Moharram, to elide the achievements of the 2nd
of Khordad, 1376.

He minced no words pointing fingers today, starting with
two bylines of Nouri which he later used to further
postulate his theory. The Hardline failed, Gangi admitted,
to enact the coup in this year's Moharram, but "Project
Summer" came in its wake, setting a wider target time.

Gangi has been pursuing his line of reasoning indomitably,
modifying it with fresh developments. In today's editorial
he recapitulated recent events in light of "Project
Summer". While the Hardline is beating the drum of
Monafeghin (a term ever so useful for its vagueness, as it
can be applied to any one or group), blaming them for
recent unrest, Gangi blatantly ascribed the whole course of
events to the Hardline.

From start to finish, he said, the Dromitory Incident, and
what followed, was a pre-planned (or)deal. Not only the
attack itself, but the bank-burning, the stone-throwing,
the Bazaar shut down, was masterminded by the Hardline, to
give them pretext for tightening the grip on power.

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 16:23:04 EDT
From: KPGBT@AOL.COM
Subject: Fwd: Large Scale Crack Down in Iran Continues: Fear of Torture,
Fear of Death!

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Return-path: AboutIran@aol.com
From: AboutIran@aol.com
Full-name: About Iran
Message-ID: <f8400d6b.24c4ddb5@aol.com>
Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 15:59:49 EDT
Subject: Large Scale Crack Down in Iran Continues: Fear of Torture, Fear of
Death!
To: AboutIran@aol.com
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="ISO-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
X-Mailer: AOL 4.0 for Windows 95 sub 15

July 19, 1999

About Iran=85 is extremely concerned about the safety and well-being of a=20
number of prominent leaders and activists of the pro-democracy movement in=20
Iran, including, Mrs.Elaheh Mizani-Amir Entezam, wife of Mr. Abbas=20
Amir-Entezam, the longest held political prisoner under the Islamic Republic=20
and Mr. Manuchehr Mohammadi, Mr. Gholamreza Mahajeri-nejad, both leaders of=20
Nationalist Students Organization, and Mr. Shoshtari, Mr. Zare-Zadeh, Mr.=20
Salbi and their colleagues, all activists in the leadership of the Islamic=20
Association of University Students and Alumni and other affiliate=20
organizations, such as the Collegiate Committee in Defense of Policial=20
Prisoners. =20

It is confirmed that Mrs. Elaheh Mizani-Amir Entezam, an outspoken advocate=20
for her husband's freedom and a critic of the harsh rule by the Islamic=20
Republic was arrested on Sunday, July 18. No more information is available=20
about her at this time. =20

The concern for the members of the Islamic Association of University Student=
s=20
and Alumni and its affiliate committees is based on their unusual absence=20
from their office in midst of the wave of arrests following the stern orders=20
for to harshly confront the student movement issued by Mr. Ali Khamenei, th=
e=20
supreme rule, and backed by Mr. Mohammad Khatami, the Islamic President. =20

However, it is almost certain that Mr. Mohammadi and Mr. Mahajeri-Nejad have=20
been abducted by security forces and are currently in the custody of the=20
notorious Information Ministry. Quoted here from Ettela'at International, a=20
statement by the Ministry released yesterday, without naming anyone, refers=20
to them as "those arrested for playing a key role in creating unrest,=20
destroying public properties and establishments and making offensive slogans=20
have had contacts with counter-revolutionary elements outside the country=85 =
It=20
said that those people in their visits to Turkey, the U.S. and some other=20
countries had participated in the gatherings and meetings of=20
counter-revolutionary groups. 'Based on the information obtained and=20
confessions made by those arrested, some of the people or groups who played=20
an active role in the recent tumult, had been supported and guided from=20
abroad and constantly received money through specific bank accounts.'" =20

Mr. Mohammadi and Mr. Mahajeri-Nejad are the only two student activists who=20
had travelled outside Iran during the Autumn 1998 and Winter 1999 and had me=
t=20
their fellow Iranians in different cities of the world. Upon their return t=
o=20
Iran, they were both briefly arrested and interrogated about their activitie=
s=20
outside Iran. In May, a few days after organizing a large student rally at=20
the tomb of Dr. Mossadegh, the democratic-nationalist Prime-Minster of Iran=20
in 1953, for commemorating his birthday, Mr. Mohammadi was abducted by =20
undercover security agents. A few days later, Mr. Mahajeri-Nejad was also=20
arrested. Later, they were both released due to incessant pressure by=20
student groups and the international community. After his release, Mr.=20
Mohammadi told About Iran=85 of torture and harsh treatment he had received=20
during his arrest. More specifically, he said he was severely beaten and wa=
s=20
kept awake at nights for interrogation. =20

Given the nature of charges against Mr. Mohammadi and Mr. Mahajeri-Nejad,=20
About Iran is extremely concerned about their fate in the hands of the=20
merciless agents of the Information Ministry. For one example, in a wave of=20
killings in November 1998, the agents of Information Ministry literally=20
butchered Mr. Daruish Forouhar and his wife, Pavaneh Forouhar, both secular=20
opposition leaders, strangulated Mr. Mohammad Mokhtari and Mr. Mohammad Jafa=
r=20
Pouyandeh, and also killed Mr. Pirouz Davani and Mr. Majid Sharif. The last=20
four were dissident writers and journalists. It is important to note that=20
while regime has fully admitted to the involvement of its own agents in the=20
killings, it has to yet prosecute anyone!

About Iran calls for the immediate release of Mr. Mohammadi and Mr.=20
Mahajeri-Nejad and calls on all international human rights organizations,=20
especially the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, Amnesty=20
International and Human Rights Watch/Middle East, to address their cases and=20
that of all other political prisoners in Iran, including, Mrs. Elaheh=20
Mizani-Amir Entezam, Mr. Abbas Amir-Entezam, Mr. Heshmatollah Tabarzadi, Mr.=20
Mohsen Kadivar, Mr. Bahram Namazi, Mr. Khosrow Seyf, Mr. Mohammad Reza=20
Kasraie, Mr. Mehran Abdolbaghi Kashani, Mr. Safavi-Far, and Ms. Maryam=20
Shansi. =20


For More Information, Please Contact:
About Iran=85
P.O. Box 768
Morton Grove, IL 60053, USA
Telephone: (847) 729-5925
Fax: (847) 729-5926


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------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 16:24:18 EDT
From: KPGBT@AOL.COM
Subject: Fwd: Statement by Collegiate Committee in Defense of Political
Prisoners

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Return-path: AboutIran@aol.com
From: AboutIran@aol.com
Full-name: About Iran
Message-ID: <9db016b.24c4de2f@aol.com>
Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 16:01:51 EDT
Subject: Statement by Collegiate Committee in Defense of Political Prisoners
To: AboutIran@aol.com
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="ISO-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
X-Mailer: AOL 4.0 for Windows 95 sub 15

About Iran=85 has translated from Farsi the following statement by the=20
Collegiate Committee in Defense of Political Prisoners. This is the fourth=20
in a series of translations of the statements received by About Iran,=20
following last week's pro-democracy demonstrations in Tehran and other citie=
s=20
in Iran. Please circulate this statement as widely as possible. =20

For more information, please contact:
About Iran=85
PO Box 768
Morton Grove, IL 60053, USA
Telephone: (847) 729-3211
Fax: (847) 729-5926=20


The Proud Nation of Iran, Pro-Democracy Students and the Educated Students=20
of High Schools:

Regretfully, hundreds are arrested in the aftermath of the spontaneous=20
rallies by the students in Tehran.

Based on the latest information, we have learned that hundreds of people are=20
held in Evin prison and nothing is known about them.

Also in detention since yesterday are: Mr. Mohammad Reza Kasraie, a ranking=20
member of the Islamic Association of University Students and Alumni; Khosro=
w=20
Syef, spokesman and a member of the central council of the Iran Nation party=
;=20
Bahram Namazi, another member of the central council of the Iran Nation=20
party; Mehran Abdolbaghi Kashani, a member of the Iran Nation party's youth=20
organization; and Safavi Far, the Iran Nation party's member from the city o=
f=20
Kermanshah. Their whereabouts are unknown and there is no information or=20
about which government body has them in custody. The security forces have=20
probably abducted them.

The Collegiate Committee in Defense of Political Prisoners condemns these=20
barbaric actions, by the tyrants, aimed at crushing the peaceful and=20
righteous demonstrations by students and people. The Committee demands the=20
release of political prisoners, including Mohandes Heshmatollah Tabarzadi,=20
Dr. Kadivar, Mohandess Amir Entezam and Mr. Abdolhosseini. The Committee=20
especially demands the release of those students who have been imprisoned as=20
a result of the [recent] inhuman attacks by the agents of violence and the=20
enemies of freedom and democracy.

Signed by ZareZadeh for:
Public Relations of the Collegiate Committee in Defense of Political Prisone=
rs
13 July 1999

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------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 15:53:44 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: The Join Statement of Abbas Amir Entezam and Heshmatollah Tabarzadi
issued on 7/12/99 from the Evin Prison

From Evin Political Prison in Tehran/Iran

Abbas Amir-Entezam and Heshmatollah Tabarzadi July 12, 1999
Statement in Support of the Pro-Democracy Student Movement

Dear Compatriots:

This is not the first time in Iran's contemporary history that the innocent
blood of students and intellectuals paves the grounds of the university.

For years, the university, as the center of our nation's struggle, has been
targeted by the tyrants. And for this, there have been many students and
intellectuals who have been martyred, injured and imprisoned; yet, the ashes
of their study books, which were burned by the marauders shall remain in the
air to remind us of their unfinished struggle.

Over the last 20 years, the theocracy of the Velayat Faghih, in spite of the
complete take over of the universities and other educational and cultural
centers [which began in the early years of the revolution], in spite of the
adoption of an Islamic ideology for government and the imposition of a harsh
rule on the Iranian people, in spite of a policy of inquisition and in spite
of resorting to hundreds of other types of ploys and misdeeds, has failed to
achieve the goal of the cultural brainwashing of the people.

Our resistant culture overcame their dark and narrow minded plot to stifle
it. And this cultural resistance has been a constant threat to the regime of
the Velayat Faghih.

Today, there is a new generation of Iranians whose words call for a
different reality and reject the repetition of the old sermons of the ruling
clergy. In the case of students, the regime tolerated them for as long as
they whispered their demands to one another.

However, when their demands and demonstrations peaked and echoed in the
world, it shook the foundations of the regime, and thereafter they moved to
suppress it. The regime knows very well that the students' demands for
freedom, social justice and democracy, are the same as that of the Iranian
people. Indeed the students' chanting represents the righteous demands of
our people.

In response, the Islamic Republic rulers, like other tyrants, have resorted
to their usual means of violence. Moreover, in response to the growing and
spreading student movement in Iran, we witnessed the unity of the two
factions of the Islamic Republic, the hard-liners, believing in the absolute
rule by the Vali-Faghih, and the moderates, the so called advocates of
"civil society."

Abbas Amir Entzam (Prisoner of Opinion) * Heshmatollah Tabarzadi (Prisoner
of Opinion) *

Note: 1) Abbas Amir Entezam has spent the last 18 years in the Islamic
Republic Jails for his believes.

He was the Speaker of the 1st Revolutionary Government but was accused to be
a member of the US Secret Services for having condemn the dictatorship in
Iran.

From his jail, Amir Entezam is continuing his struggle for democracy despite
all tortures, pressures and poor physical conditions.

In 1998, Abbas Amir Entezam was awreded by the Kreski recognition (Austria)
for his actions in order to establish the democracy in Iran.

He said to his oppressors : " I was a of Iron before tasting your so-called
justice and now, I've became Steel " (Revolutionary Court of Tehran July
1996).

Unfortunately and in order to brake him, the Islamic Republic has arrested
his wife (Mrs. Elahe Amir Entezam) on Sunday July 18th, 1999.

2) Heshmatollah Tabarzadi is an outspoken Human Rights activist and the
editor of the famous "Payam Daneshjoo" (The Student's Statement) and later
"Hoviat e Kheesh" (Our Identity).

Despite having lost 2 brothers for the revolutionnary cause; He was beaten
and arrested for having criticized the regime's leader; Opening the public
debate (In his articles) about the needs of a Secular Regime in Iran and to
condemn the arrests of 13 Iranian Jews for their religious believes.

He has been charged for conspiracy against the state and acting on the
behalf of the US and Israeli (Zionist) Intelligence.

No lawyer or familial visits have been granted so far.

Courtesy of: www.iran-daneshjoo.org
Translated by: About Iran

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 16:57:20 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/Part 2: Statement by Mr. Abbas Amir-Entezam and Mr. Heshmatollah
Tabarzadi

From Evin Political Prison in Tehran/Iran
Abbas Amir-Entezam and Heshmatollah Tabarzadi
July 12th, 1999


Statement by Mr. Abbas Amir-Entezam and Mr. Heshmatollah Tabarzadi

From behind prison bars, we have regretfully and painfully learned about the
savage attack on students at the dormitories by Ansare-Hezbollah and the
agents of dictatorship who are clothed in security uniforms. For any freedom
lover, it is heart wrenching to learn of the killing, injury and damage
caused to our dear students who were subjected to the beating and attack by
knives, batons, cable chains, iron gloves and fire arms. Indeed, these
ignorant and violent agents committed the same shameful act as Shah's regime
did in their attack on Fayzieh [in Qom in 1963, which resulted in the first
uprising in support of Ayatollah Khomeini 16 years before the revolution of
1979].

This savage attack by the agents of tyranny and monopoly and violence, has
once again revealed the real face of this irrational band of power mongers
and has demonstrated that theocracy is the most violent form of tyrannical
rule of our times. We offer our sympathy and condolences to the members of
the student movement and to the sorrowful families of the [martyred]
students.

Meanwhile, the spontaneous movement of the nationalist and reformist
students and other opponents of tyranny and dictatorship in Tehran and other
Iranian cities has proven that the Iranian people have decided to end
tyranny, corruption and authoritarianism. They will achieve this and free
themselves from the rule of ignorance, poverty and atrocity, by establishing
a democratic government based on the rule of law.

This shameful attack on the students by the agents of tyranny and atrocity
showed that all the unaccountable power is controlled by a band of
irrational [authorities in the Islamic Republic]. This [unaccountable
control of power] is characteristic of ideological and monopolistic rule.

While this event showed the inability of the Minister of Interior to
exercise control on the security forces, there are no guarantees that a mere
change of the commander of security forces will prevent those who see
themselves acting in accordance with totalitarianism - rather than a
[democratic] republic - from striking back by creating another tragic event.
This is possible, as they retain control over the security and armed forces.

Thus, in order to remove tyranny, atrocity and destruction, it is incumbent
upon students, the younger generation, other groups of people, the press and
political parties to continue with their peaceful, legal and righteous
protests and their chants for freedom and democracy until such a time that a
democratic and rule abiding government is established.

From Evin Prison in Tehran Abbas Amir-Entezam (*) and Heshmatollah Tabarzadi
(*) July 12, 1999

Note: (*)

1) Abbas Amir Entezam:
----------------------------------

Abbas Amir Entezam has spent the last 18 years in the Islamic Republic Jails
for his believes.

He was the Speaker of the 1st Revolutionary Government but was accused to be
a member of the US Secret Services for having condemn the dictatorship in
Iran.

From his jail, Amir Entezam is continuing his struggle for democracy despite
all tortures, pressures and poor physical conditions.

In 1998, Abbas Amir Entezam was awreded by the Kreski recognition (Austria)
for his actions in order to establish the democracy in Iran.

He said to his oppressors : " I was a of Iron before tasting your so-called
justice and now, I've became Steel " (Revolutionary Court of Tehran July
1996).

Unfortunately and in order to brake him, the Islamic Republic has arrested
his wife (Mrs. Elahe Amir Entezam) on Sunday July 18th, 1999.

2) Heshmatollah Tabarzadi:
--------------------------------------

Heshmatollah Tabarzadi is an outspoken Human Rights activist and the editor
of the famous "Payam Daneshjoo" (The Student's Statement) and later "Hoviat
e Kheesh" (Our Identity).

Despite having lost 2 brothers for the revolutionnary cause; He was beaten
and arrested for having criticized the regime's leader; Opening the public
debate (In his articles) about the needs of a Secular Regime in Iran and to
condemn the arrests of 13 Iranian Jews for their religious beliefs.

He has been charged for conspiracy against the state and acting on the
behalf of the US and Israeli (Zionist) Intelligence.

No lawyer or familial visits have been granted so far.

Courtesy of: The Student Movement Coordination Committe
www.iran-daneshjoo.org

Translated by: About Iran (Chicago/USA)

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 17:45:19 -0500
From: aryopirouznia <aryopirouznia@EMAIL.MSN.COM>
Subject: Iran/The Communique of HM Reza Pahlavi II about the imprisonment of
the Iranian Students

July 19th, 1999

From the private secretariat of HM Reza Pahlavi
In reference to the imprisonment of Iranian students

The primary aim of the latest demonstrations in Iran, which as usual, was
labeled by the regime as a foreign aided conspiracy and resulted in the
serious
accusations and imprisonments, was nothing more than a logical voice of
dissent,
wherein the students hoped to gain their fundamental rights.

At the onset and putting a mask of tolerance, the regime aimed to diminish
the
impact of its violent and barbaric attack at the students? quarters.
However, by
summary imprisonments, which ensued, the clerics showed their true intention
in
suppressing any aspiration for freedom. Today, some of the most courageous
sons
and daughters of Iran are suffering from the suffocating shackles of the
clerical regime, in jail.

My message to the kind-hearted people of Iran, to all of those who cherish
freedom and human dignity and are concerned about the fate of these
courageous
students, is to defend them in a unified voice so that we may bring their
imprisonment to a quick end.

I invite my compatriots outside of Iran, especially those of the same
generation, to set aside any of their political or ideological differences
with
the aim of voicing the aspirations of our compatriots in all the
international
and human rights organizations and entities, with every opportunity they
get.
Along with you, I am and will do my share in shedding light on the recent
atrocities committed in Iran.

Concurrently, the judicial authorities and the law-enforcement personnel,
must
keep in mind that any ill-treatment and incivility towards these courageous
students will not be concealed from the eyes of their countrymen, and those
responsible are ultimately answerable to the people of Iran.

Reza Pahlavi

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 10:15:56 +1000
From: Susan Ghaemi <s.ghaemi@UNSW.EDU.AU>
Subject: Sydney's protest and demonstration

Sydney, Australia

In support of the students in Iran, a demonstration is organized on
Thursday 22 July at 12.30 in front of the UN office in Sydney,
46 York Street
followed by rally to the Parliament House in Macquirie Street

Those in Sydney and around, Please show your support by attending

Regards
Susan Ghaemi

------------------------------

Date: Mon, 19 Jul 1999 19:25:48 EDT
From: CHAIRNGO@AOL.COM
Subject: (no subject)

JOIN A DEMONSTRATION
AGAINST THE
ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN
AND IN SUPPORT OF THE RECENT
REBELLION IN IRAN

ON WEDNESDAY JULY 21, 1999

FROM 12:00 P.M. TO 2:00P.M.

AT THIRD AVENUE
BETWEEN 40TH AND 41ST STREETS
MANHATTAN

· CONDEMN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN
· SUPPORT THE PROTESTERS
· DEMAND THE IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF THOSE ARRESTED
· DECLARE THAT THE PRECONDITION TO FREEDOM AND EQUALITY IN IRAN IS THE
OVERTHROW OF THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN



Sponsored by the Worker-communist Party of Iran (WPI) - New
York Committee, the International Federation of
Iranian Refugees (IFIR), the Committee for Humanitarian
Assistance to Iranian Refugees (CHAIR), and the International
Campaign in Defense of Women’s Rights in Iran – US Branch

For more information, call CHAIR/IFIR at 212-747-1046

------------------------------

End of DNI-NEWS Digest - 18 Jul 1999 to 19 Jul 1999 - Special issue
*******************************************************************