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There are 12 messages totalling 1341 lines in this issue.

Topics in this special issue:

1. [Iran-Daneshjoo] Iran's Student Movement Plans Its Next Move (Reuters)
2. [Iran-Daneshjoo] Protest Aftermath (Oxford Analytica )
3. [Iran-Daneshjoo] Iran's students speak out By Bruce Laingen
4. [Iran-Daneshjoo] Student leader warns of more violence (CNN)
5. [Iran-Daneshjoo] Iran's Culture Ministry has expressed concern at "the
unprecedented jailing" of
6. [Iran-Daneshjoo] Media watchdog demands release of Iranian editor
(Reuters)
7. [Iran-Daneshjoo] US 'very, very close' on Iran sanctions rule-USDA
(Reuters)
8. [Iran-Daneshjoo] Growing disenchanted with Khatami (Knight Ridder
newspapers)
9. Expose the plot of IRI against the Iranian Students
10. Letter or Swedish Folk Partiet (peoples party) to Khatami
11. You have been unsubscribed
12. Fwd: Mousavi-Khoeiniha breaks his silence

----------------------------------------------------------------------

Date: Thu, 22 Jul 1999 18:27:26 BST
From: IranStudents Iran <iranstudents@HOTMAIL.COM>
Subject: [Iran-Daneshjoo] Iran's Student Movement Plans Its Next Move (Reuters)

From: "IranStudents Iran" <iranstudents@hotmail.com>


Iran's Student Movement Plans Its Next Move

By Jonathan Lyons

TEHRAN, Iran (Reuters) - Student activists from across Iran gathered in
Tehran Thursday to chart a ``legal and democratic'' campaign to demand that
those behind a bloody attack on a pro-democracy rally be punished.

Buses carrying members of university Islamic associations from around the
country arrived on the outskirts of the capital for a closed-door planning
session.

Organizers said they expected between 350-500 students to take part in the
conference, called in response to six days of student unrest and street
riots that began with an attack on the Tehran University dormitories by
police and Islamic vigilantes.

``This is a meeting to work out our strategies following up the students'
demands in the most legal and democratic way possible,'' said Morteza
Ahmadi, one of the organizers.

``We are not seeking any violence,'' Ahmadi said.

Student leaders, struggling to keep pace with their rank and file, are
demanding the identification and punishment of all participants in the
attack on the dormitory, which student leaders say killed one person and
injured more than 200. At least five others are missing and still
unaccounted for.

They are also seeking the dismissal and punishment of the hard-line national
police chief and what they called a ``very serious guarantee'' that police
and security forces would be barred from entering the universities or
related areas.

The immediate failure of the authorities, including moderate President
Mohammad Khatami, to address these demands fed rising frustrations that
eventually exploded through the streets of central Tehran on July 13.

The violence prompted a tough crackdown by security forces, a ban on future
protests and the arrests of activists and ordinary students alike.

It also cast doubts over the future of the social and political reforms of
Khatami, elected in 1997 with overwhelming support of young people, women
and Islamic intellectuals.

Earlier this week commanders of the Revolutionary Guards openly criticised
Khatami for being soft on the protesters and failing to defend Iran's
Islamic system, raising fears in some quarters of a possible hard-line coup
d'etat.

Meanwhile, student activists say the security forces have maintained their
pressure on the universities.

A pro-democracy student body said its members had been targeted by continued
waves of arrests, beatings and forced confessions, despite official
statements that the detention of students had ended.

The Student Council of the Tehran University Dormitories, formed in the heat
of this month's protests, said in a statement that members of the council
and students at large were being detained illegally, subjected to abuse and
forced to sign false confessions.

``We have reports that people have been arrested merely for being students,
and after hours of interrogation, along with beatings, they were forced to
sign confessions with their eyes closed,'' the council said in a faxed
statement.

The Council said seven of its own elected members, along with others
belonging to recognized university organizations, were missing and presumed
held by security forces.

``Is it acceptable that merely because you are working with an official
student organization you would be arrested illegally?'' said the statement,
which called on top government officials to intervene and halt the arrests.

Earlier this week the secret police announced that those students arrested
during the unrest and its aftermath who were not identified as belonging to
subversive groups had all been released.


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Azadi e Andishe, Hamishe...! Hamishe...!
Freedom of toughts, For Ever! For Ever!

From the Homepage of the:

Student Movement Coordination Committe for Democracy in Iran.

http://www.iran-daneshjoo.org
phone: +1 (972) 504-6864

------------------------------

Date: Thu, 22 Jul 1999 18:36:42 BST
From: IranStudents Iran <iranstudents@HOTMAIL.COM>
Subject: [Iran-Daneshjoo] Protest Aftermath (Oxford Analytica )

From: "IranStudents Iran" <iranstudents@hotmail.com>


OPINION-Iran -- Protest Aftermath
06:14 a.m. Jul 22, 1999 Eastern

By Oxford Analytica

OXFORD, July 22 - Despite last week's crackdown on pro-reform
demonstrations, there is still considerable momentum behind President
Mohamed Khatami's political liberalisation drive. While the democratisation
movement may have suffered a short-term setback and is likely to encounter
further opposition from right-wing clerics, Khatami's reform coalition
remains in place and is still likely to be buoyed by next year's
parliamentary election results. Nonetheless, the president needs quickly to
reassert his commitment to change in the run-up to the election.

The student protests, which erupted on July 9 after security officials and
Ansar-e Hezbollah vigilantes attacked student dormitories, greatly alarmed
the regime. The protests continued for six days, despite a ban on unlicensed
meetings issued by the interior ministry, and spread from Tehran to a dozen
major provincial cities, including Tabriz, Isfahan and Mashad. The students
called for sweeping changes, notably with respect to control of the police
and the judiciary. The slogans propagated by the students also broke
established taboos by attacking the Supreme Leader. One slogan, for example,
called on Ayatollah Ali Khamenei to surrender his powers; another charged
him with supporting the vigilante elements deployed against the students.

Nevertheless, the protests were initially peaceful, and the students
received much sympathy. Khamenei himself described the violation of the
student dormitories as unacceptable and urged his supporters not to
interfere with protestors. However, clashes between the students and police
escalated, and, at the height of the protests on July 12, 24 senior
Revolutionary Guard commanders published a letter addressed to Khatami. This
warned that the revolution and the Islamic order were threatened, and urged
the president to act. The National Security Council approved a crackdown
that same day. Arrests were widespread, with the student leaders later
claiming that 1,400 people had been detained.

At a unity rally convened by the regime two days later, the secretary of the
National Security Council echoed the Revolutionary Guards commanders' view
that the demonstrations had sought to undermine the pillars of the state. He
blamed the violence on ``thugs, mercenaries and agents of foreign powers,''
including the United States. His themes of foreign involvement and domestic
plots, threats to the foundations of the system, the need for vigilance,
unity behind the leader, emphasis on the central role of the security
agencies were repeated by the minister of interior, the minister of defence
and several high officials, and became the regime's definition of the
demonstrations. By July 15, order had returned to the capital and other
cities, but a sense of unease prevailed.

The official portrayal of the protests is being challenged by a number of
reformist elements. The pro-Khatami press has suggested that the disorder
was the work of right-wing trouble-makers and has blamed the violence on
non-student instigators. Newspapers like 'Neshat', 'Hamshahri' and 'Sobh-e
Emruz' believe that the disturbances were part of a plot to undermine the
reform movement and influence the outcome of the parliamentary elections,
due to be held in March 2000. The Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution, a
pro-Khatami political faction, has even suggested that the president's
enemies were responsible for an ``orchestrated crisis'' aimed at
facilitating ``a political and military coup d'etat.''

Other pro-reform political organisations and personalities have also offered
their support for the president. Four of the major pro-Khatami political
organisations issued declarations reprimanding the Revolutionary Guards
commanders for the tone of their July 12 letter to the president, suggesting
that the publication of a confidential document was both illegal and
designed to rekindle social unrest. Similarly, over 200 intellectuals and
public personalities signed a letter to the president warning against any
attempt to reimpose controls on the press or to suppress political freedom.

Despite the clampdown on their protests, the students have not withdrawn
their demands for change. Key amongst these are the dismissal of the chief
of police, the suppression of vigilante groups, the rescinding of the ban on
the newspaper 'Salaam' and other publications, and the transfer of police
powers from the supreme leader to the president. The students are also
pressing for the handover of the bodies of students killed in the
demonstrations; this is a particularly sensitive point because they disagree
with the official figures on the numbers killed during the protests.

An umbrella council that represents various student organisations has
postponed further action pending discussions with the authorities, which
began with representatives of the National Security Council on July 20. The
students have also called for meeting with former president Ali Akbar
Hashemi Rafsanjani and Khatami. One student leader, Ali Afshari, has warned
that if the conservatives block Khatami's reform programme ``future
generations will turn to non-peaceful means to achieve their goals.'' While
no more than about one-fifth of university students are politically active,
the student movement -- represented primarily by Islamic associations that
proliferate on campuses -- can be quickly mobilised for protests.

Throughout the protests, Khatami had to balance concerns that the
demonstrations might spiral out of control with the danger of alienating his
student supporters if he criticised the protestors. On July 12, he released
a nuanced statement that strongly defended the students and their legitimate
demands, while calling for restraint and adherence to the law. However the
next day, perhaps in response to the spreading disorder and the warning from
the Guards commanders, he joined other officials in condemning deviation and
attacks on the pillars of the system. He has subsequently tried to
distinguish between genuine student protesters and troublemakers. This
stance has disappointed many of his young supporters, but he has not yet
lost their backing.

Since the demonstrations ended, Khatami has kept his own counsel (for
instance, his letter of response to the Revolutionary Guards has not been
published). However, he has on previous occasions appeared publicly silent
and inactive whilst working assiduously behind the scenes. For instance,
after the assassinations of dissidents in late 1998, his public
pronouncements were very cautious, but he quietly insisted on a full
investigation. The information ministry eventually admitted its own agents
were responsible for the killings.

The president will need to show quickly that he has not abandoned his reform
agenda and that he can prevent the hard-liners from mounting a renewed
campaign of repression. To do so, arrested students will have to be
released, reasonable student demands met, show trials prevented and freedoms
protected or restored. If he is to achieve these aims, Khatami will need the
full support of the reformist alliance that he has nurtured. The larger
political space the president has created for the press and political
associations is already paying dividends in this respect. Despite the recent
clampdown, the mainstream student organisations continue to support him
fully and the reformist press is finding creative ways to put the
hard-liners on the defensive. Khatami also continues to enjoy strong public
support.

Last week's warning letter from the Guards commanders to the president
highlights the one serious danger that Khatami faces -- intervention by the
military. However, such a threat does not appear imminent. The commanders
lack the authority to interfere significantly in political life; they have
also been publicly rebuked by the press and reformist politicians for even
publishing their correspondence with the president.

In many respects, last week's events foreshadow the political battles that
will rage during the forthcoming parliamentary elections. The conservatives
are anxious to prevent the election of a pro-Khatami majority to the majles,
despite the fact that this still appears likely. Furthermore, any attempt by
the hard-liners to undermine the president via extra-constitutional means
will be difficult, as recent events illustrate. With the momentum behind
reform likely to be only temporarily slowed by recent events, conservatives
will find it difficult to prevent pro-Khatami candidates from running. The
most optimistic scenario the conservatives can hope for is probably a
parliament in which neither they nor the reformers have a majority, and in
which both factions will compete for the vote of a sizeable bloc of
independent deputies.

(Any reproduction in whole or in part without the written consent of Oxford
Analytica Ltd is strictly forbidden.)
- - -
(Oxford Analytica is an international consulting firm that
provides analysis of worldwide political, economic and social
developments. It also provides a segment in the Emerging Markets
programme broadcast by Reuters Television at 1430 GMT each
Thursday.


The opinions expressed in this article represent the views of Oxford
Analytica only. They should not be seen as reflecting the views of Reuters.
Republication of this column is subject to agreement with Oxford Analytica.
Please contact Andrew Hammond at Oxford Analytica at
consultancy+oxford-analytica.com)


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------------------------------------------------------------------------
Azadi e Andishe, Hamishe...! Hamishe...!
Freedom of toughts, For Ever! For Ever!

From the Homepage of the:

Student Movement Coordination Committe for Democracy in Iran.

http://www.iran-daneshjoo.org
phone: +1 (972) 504-6864

------------------------------

Date: Thu, 22 Jul 1999 18:34:22 BST
From: IranStudents Iran <iranstudents@HOTMAIL.COM>
Subject: [Iran-Daneshjoo] Iran's students speak out By Bruce Laingen

From: "IranStudents Iran" <iranstudents@hotmail.com>


Thursday, July 22, 1999

Iran's students speak out

By Bruce Laingen

Those watching the still-uncertain course of the Islamic Revolution in Iran
have seen in the past two weeks what could prove to be another defining
moment in its history. Not unlike that of 20 years ago, in November 1979,
when students took to the streets to redirect the course of a then-young
revolution - seizing the US embassy and putting their country in the more
radical direction that continued until the 1997 election of President
Mohamad Khatami, with his promise of change and reform.

This time, two decades later, there is no US embassy to seize. But students
again have taken to the streets not to disrupt the revolution, but to
protest that Khatami's promise of greater freedom and his call for a civil
society and the rule of law were being denied them.

Swift and decisive action by conservative clerical forces has cleared the
students from the streets and, now, from their campuses. But that has by no
means ended the matter.

The conservative forces, under Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, have no difficulty in
applying their strength through the military and the revolutionary guards,
as well as the behavior-enforcing groups Ansari Hesbollah and the Basijii.
Probably no one knows that better than Khatami, who reached out rhetorically
to the students at the outset of their demonstrations, but then quickly fell
in line with the regime's order that the streets be cleared. Khatami after
all is a cleric himself and a product of the Khomeini period who despite his
emphasis on reform knows the limits of his power.

An observer must wonder, however what deal may have been struck by or with
Khatami in the in-house debate leading up to the swift put-down of the
demonstrators. Probably both his supporters and conservatives recognized the
danger in what had begun as fairly peaceful protests and evolved, with help
from nonstudent infiltrators, into rioting.

But even the most rigid of the conservative forces must recognize, like it
or not, that the demands of the students have broad resonance in a populace
weary of the revolution, and whose support for the reform-minded Khatami was
evident in his 70 percent electoral mandate, his continued popularity, and
the overwhelming success of his supporters in recent municipal elections.
Khatami and demands for reform identified with him cannot easily be pushed
aside.

Both sides have pulled back, but probably not for long. The student
leadership, now organized in response to the crisis in a new grouping called
the Select Council of Sit-in Students, has issued a long list of demands,
including the resignation of the chief of police, and a call for a meeting
with clerical leadership.

The current crisis erupted when Islamic vigilantes, supported or encouraged
by security forces, assaulted students who protested tough new media curbs
enacted by parliament.

Behind the student sentiment is the restiveness of probably most young
Iranians - 50 percent of them below the age of 20 - impatient with the
revolution's social strictures and frustrated by an economy unable to
provide them jobs. That frustration is certain to simmer and grow. Ahead
looms the important parliamentary elections of March 2000 - a critical test
of strength for the Khatami forces.

The US, still viewing Iran from its sanctions-laden distance, has virtually
no ability to affect the course of this ongoing confrontation between
revolutionary forces in Iran.

The US posture must start from that reality, as appears to be the case in
the administration's cautious comments to date. But that reticence can also
be carried too far. American interests in the region have been and surely
will be affected by the course taken by Iran and its revolution. Arguably,
those interests would be better served by the more moderate direction
advocated by Khatami.

At appropriate moments the US should continue to affirm its readiness for
dialogue delayed now for 20 long years. The slight give announced recently
in US sanctions affecting food grains and medical imports has not gone
unnoticed in Tehran. Nor have President Clinton's recent remarks, in which
he expressed an understanding for Iran's grievances over aspects of past US
policy, comments termed "statesmanlike" by Khatami.

There will always be, as apparent in the regime's statements on the student
actions, the proclivity to allege the meddling hand of the "Great Satan."
But that has long been the political rallying cry of the hard-liners in that
regime, whatever the US says or does. And informed electoral opinion in Iran
has probably long since set that aside.

The US need not and should not hesitate publicly to affirm its understanding
and support for calls for greater freedoms, democratic values and pluralism
under a rule of law within Iran's Islamic revolution. On that fundamental
point, the record should be clear.

*Bruce Laingen is president of The American Academy of Diplomacy, in
Washington. He was taken hostage as charge d'affaires of the US embassy in
Tehran in 1979.


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------------------------------------------------------------------------
Azadi e Andishe, Hamishe...! Hamishe...!
Freedom of toughts, For Ever! For Ever!

From the Homepage of the:

Student Movement Coordination Committe for Democracy in Iran.

http://www.iran-daneshjoo.org
phone: +1 (972) 504-6864

------------------------------

Date: Thu, 22 Jul 1999 18:40:57 BST
From: IranStudents Iran <iranstudents@HOTMAIL.COM>
Subject: [Iran-Daneshjoo] Student leader warns of more violence (CNN)

From: "IranStudents Iran" <iranstudents@hotmail.com>

Student leader warns of more violence

TEHRAN (CNN) -- Allies of Iranian President Mohammad Khatami rallied around
him Wednesday after a group of top military leaders warned him that they are
losing patience with his reformist agenda.

"Our patience is at an end. We do not feel it is our duty to show any more
tolerance," commanders of the Revolutionary Guard told Khatami in a July 12
letter published Tuesday in hard-line newspapers.

The Guard -- a 350,000-member force dedicated to the ruling Islamic clergy
-- sent the warning during the height of six days of student protests in
Tehran and other cities.

At least three people were killed and 1,200 arrested in demonstrations
triggered by the closing of pro-Khatami newspaper by the clerics. It marked
the first mass protests in Iran since the 1979 Islamic revolution.

Khatami eventually endorsed the crackdown on the demonstrations.

"Mr. President, if you don't take a revolutionary decision today and fail to
abide by your Islamic and nationalistic duty, tomorrow will be too late and
damage done will be irreparable and beyond reparation," the letter read.



Khatami forces strike back



Khatami has largely relied on his popularity in his two-year power struggle
with hard-liners, but on Wednesday his office moved against three
conservative papers that published the letter.

The Culture and Islamic Guidance Ministry, under Khatami's control, said it
was taking steps to prosecute the newspapers for publishing the letter it
said was "top secret."

A pro-Khatami group, the Mujahadeen of the Islamic Revolution, accused the
hard-liners of plotting to overthrow Khatami.

"We had previously warned that certain circles have been trying to create a
military climate in order to impose (political) restrictions" and derail
Khatami's reforms, the group said in a statement.



Student leader warns of more violence



A top student leader also warned of possible violence if the hard-liners
move to prevent further reforms.

"If officials don't respond accordingly to this tremendous call for reforms,
the door for peaceful negotiations will shut," Ali Afshari warned at a
Tehran press conference.

"We may believe the last generation that believes in peaceful recourse."

The student leaders also dismissed a statement from the Intelligence
Ministry that charged that the student democracy protests was funded by
Iran's Western enemies.

Iranian State TV broadcast footage of one detained protester hard-liners
said received money while traveling to the United States. Another woman was
accused of contacting counter- revolutionaries.

Of the 1,200 protesters arrested, only 750 are known to have been released.
Those in custody may be charged as enemies of the state and could face
execution under Iran's Islamic judicial system.

Correspondent Kasra Naji, The Associated Press and Reuters contributed to
this report.


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Azadi e Andishe, Hamishe...! Hamishe...!
Freedom of toughts, For Ever! For Ever!

From the Homepage of the:

Student Movement Coordination Committe for Democracy in Iran.

http://www.iran-daneshjoo.org
phone: +1 (972) 504-6864

------------------------------

Date: Thu, 22 Jul 1999 18:43:50 BST
From: IranStudents Iran <iranstudents@HOTMAIL.COM>
Subject: [Iran-Daneshjoo] Iran's Culture Ministry has expressed concern at "the
unprecedented jailing" of

From: "IranStudents Iran" <iranstudents@hotmail.com>

Thursday, July 22, 1999 Published at 13:31 GMT 14:31 UK

Iran's Culture Ministry has expressed concern at "the unprecedented jailing"
of an editor working on a pro-reform newspaper.

A ministry spokesman said the arrest of Kazem Shokri, a senior editor with
the Sobh-e-Emrouz newspaper, breached press laws.

The ministry said only the publisher of a newspaper could be held
responsible for any offences under current press laws.

Mr Shokri has been charged with authorising the publication of an article
alleged to be insulting to the Muslim holy book, the Koran.

The official Iranian news agency, IRNA, reported Mr Shokri was imprisoned on
Tuesday after being summoned to court by the Tehran Justice Department over
the article, "Two parallel lines do not cross unless God wills it".

Iranian hardliners have recently stepped up a campaign against liberal
newspapers which have flourished under the reformist President, Mohammed
Khatami.

Two weeks ago, the moderate Salam newspaper was closed, triggering six days
of unrest during which at least three people died.

Student warning

Student leaders in Iran have warned that future generations will turn to
non-peaceful means to achieve reform if hardline conservatives continue to
block the programmes of President Mohammad Khatami.


<Picture: [ image: ]>The warning came as student representatives met
officials from the Supreme National Security Council to press their demands
for change.

Leaders of the most prominent student organisation, the Unity Consolidation
Office, contradicted the official version of the reasons behind the unrest
on the streets of Tehran last week.

The official account has dwelt heavily on the role of outside countries and
counter-revolutionary groups based abroad in allegedly stirring up the
trouble.

But one of the student leaders, Ali Afshari, said the real cause of the
violence lay closer to home - in the frustration felt by millions of young
people at the slow pace of change.

They voted for the reformist president, Mohammad Khatami, two years ago,
only to see his attempts to bring about change constantly foiled by hardline
conservatives.

Guards' letter

The street riots prompted a letter to the president from 24 senior
commanders of the Revolutionary Guards, blaming him and warning that their
patience was running out.

The letter said the president's moves toward greater democracy were leading
the Islamic republic into "anarchy".

President Khatami has played down the importance of the letter, which was
published by conservative newspapers on Tuesday.

The president's office said such correspondence was perfectly normal, but
what was worrying was the publication of such highly confidential material
in the press.


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Azadi e Andishe, Hamishe...! Hamishe...!
Freedom of toughts, For Ever! For Ever!

From the Homepage of the:

Student Movement Coordination Committe for Democracy in Iran.

http://www.iran-daneshjoo.org
phone: +1 (972) 504-6864

------------------------------

Date: Thu, 22 Jul 1999 18:45:41 BST
From: IranStudents Iran <iranstudents@HOTMAIL.COM>
Subject: [Iran-Daneshjoo] Media watchdog demands release of Iranian editor
(Reuters)

From: "IranStudents Iran" <iranstudents@hotmail.com>


Media watchdog demands release of Iranian editor
07:54 a.m. Jul 22, 1999 Eastern

PARIS, July 22 (Reuters) - Media watchdog Reporters Sans Frontieres on
Thursday demanded that Iran release the editor of a liberal Iranian daily
arrested earlier this week.

A hardline court reportedly detained Kazem Shokri on Tuesday for printing an
article allegedly insulting Islam in his newspaper Sobh-e Emrouz.

Reporters Sans Frontieres said it had sent a letter to Iran's moderate
president, Mohammad Khatami, condemning the arrest.

``Taking into account that detention before trial is out of proportion for a
press offence, (we) requested that the journalist be released,'' the media
group said in a statement.

Iran's Culture and Islamic Guidance Ministry, which is under Khatami's
control, has also protested to the court against Shokri's detention, Iran's
news agency IRNA reported.

RSF also called for the release of two other Iranian journalists,
Hechmatollah Tabarzadi and Morad Veissi, whom it said were both recently
taken into custody.


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Azadi e Andishe, Hamishe...! Hamishe...!
Freedom of toughts, For Ever! For Ever!

From the Homepage of the:

Student Movement Coordination Committe for Democracy in Iran.

http://www.iran-daneshjoo.org
phone: +1 (972) 504-6864

------------------------------

Date: Thu, 22 Jul 1999 18:52:49 BST
From: IranStudents Iran <iranstudents@HOTMAIL.COM>
Subject: [Iran-Daneshjoo] US 'very,
very close' on Iran sanctions rule-USDA (Reuters)

From: "IranStudents Iran" <iranstudents@hotmail.com>


Wednesday July 21, 6:56 pm Eastern Time

US 'very, very close' on Iran sanctions rule-USDA

WASHINGTON, July 21 (Reuters) - The Clinton Administration is ``very, very
close'' to publishing rules governing the sale of food and medicine to Iran,
Sudan and Libya, a top U.S. Agriculture Department official said Wednesday.

``We are very, very close,'' USDA Undersecretary Gus Schumacher told a
meeting of the Congressional Economic Leadership Institute on Wednesday.
``There are only one or two things that need to be cleared up with the State
Department.''

Farmers have been anxiously awaiting the publication of the rules since the
Administration announced in late April that it would change its sanctions
policy to allow the sale of food and medicine to the three countries.

U.S. grain groups had been lobbying the White House to ease sanctions on
sales to the countries in an effort to boost lackluster farm exports and
decrease a huge surplus at home. But any sales have to wait until the rules
for the sanctions reform are released.

State Department officials had said that the rules would come out by the end
of June.

Agriculture Department officials estimate that the easing of sanctions on
Iran, Libya and Sudan could boost U.S. wheat and corn exports by up to one
million tonnes each annually. Of the three countries, Iran is considered to
have the biggest potential.


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Azadi e Andishe, Hamishe...! Hamishe...!
Freedom of toughts, For Ever! For Ever!

From the Homepage of the:

Student Movement Coordination Committe for Democracy in Iran.

http://www.iran-daneshjoo.org
phone: +1 (972) 504-6864

------------------------------

Date: Thu, 22 Jul 1999 18:50:56 BST
From: IranStudents Iran <iranstudents@HOTMAIL.COM>
Subject: [Iran-Daneshjoo] Growing disenchanted with Khatami (Knight Ridder
newspapers)

From: "IranStudents Iran" <iranstudents@hotmail.com>

Middle-class Iranians are tiring of hard-liners

Growing disenchanted with Khatami, many are calling privately for democracy
July 22, 1999

BY BARBARA DEMICK
KNIGHT RIDDER NEWSPAPERS

In the hills above Tehran, couples hold hands freely and teenage girls wear
their raincoats unbuttoned over T-shirts and jeans Here, young ladies wear
the wispiest kerchiefs in minimal deference to Islamic modesty laws.

These hills, with their hiking trails and barbecues, are the favorite haunt
of Tehran's middle class on weekends. This is a place to unwind and
socialize, not to talk politics. But when the conversation does turn
serious, emotions run high and voices drop low.

Iranians are frustrated by their fears and angry that they cannot speak
their minds freely. And they dare not give Western reporters their full
names.

Many despise the Islamic clerics who still hold sway over Iran's judiciary
and police. They want to know why the Iranian economy hasn't been bolstered
by trade ties to the West, despite promises by the leadership to open up the
economy.

Above all, they want to know why their leaders ignore popular aspirations.
How is it that when two-thirds of Iran's population voted for change -- in
1997 electing the reformist cleric Mohammad Khatami as president -- so
little discernible change has taken place?

It was this frustration that spilled out recently in Iran's worst rioting
since the Islamic revolution of 1979.

The riots were triggered by a tough new press law and the closing of a
reformist daily, Salaam. In response to the newspaper's closing, students at
Tehran University held a peaceful demonstration. The next day, security
police and vigilantes stormed a student dormitory with tear gas. At least
one student was killed.

The crackdown sparked further demonstrations, spreading outside of Tehran.
It soon turned to rioting, and within days, businesses were closed and
public transportation suspended. It looked as if Iran was teetering on the
verge of another revolution.

Although few say so publicly, many Iranians believe it is time to scrap the
entire concept of an Islamic state and set up a democracy with strict
separation of state and religion. They thought that was the direction Iran
was heading after the 1997 elections, only to discover that hard-liners like
the religious Ayatollah Ali Khamenei (successor to Ayatollah Ruhollah
Khomenei, founder of the Islamic revolution) would not cede power so
quickly.

"It's frustrating for us. Twenty million people voted for Khatami. That's 20
million of us who want something truly different. We should be able to turn
this place upside down," explained Farid, 23, a recent university graduate
interviewed several months ago on the hiking trails of Tehran.

The question of why the rioting started is perhaps not so intriguing as why
it abruptly stopped.

A large part of the reason is Khatami, a contradictory personality. He is on
the one hand a reformer, on the other an Islamic mullah who articulately
defends the religious basis of the Iranian republic. As an advocate of
gradualism, he is waggishly known by Iranian intellectuals as "Ayatollah
Gorbachev" for his efforts to reform the system from within.

During the demonstrations, Khatami refused to meet with the students or
encourage their actions. In an interview with Iranian television, he warned
that "unruly elements" would be dealt with firmly and called on the students
to be "vigilant against any conspiracy against the country."

"Many students actually heeded his call," said Tehran political scientist
Sadiq Zibakallam. "Although their discontent was very high, they did not
want to see things get out of control."

Iranians themselves got frightened by the escalation of the violence,
believing the rioting was out of the hands of the students and had been
taken over by mob elements. Some blamed the usual targets, the United States
and Israel, while others believed that hard-line Islamists were acting as
provocateurs in order to justify a crackdown.

Ultimately it was the demonstrators who put on the brakes, figuring they had
too much to lose.

"Nobody really wants another revolution," said a Tehran businesswoman,
expressing relief that the rioting has stopped at least for the time being.
"We have to work within the constitution. We don't want to burn buses. We
will make our mark with the ballot box."

Iranians have another key election coming up in February, when they elect a
new parliament. If public sentiment continues as in the past and if the
election is relatively fair, it is expected that the hard-line speaker of
the parliament, Ali Akbar Nateq-Nuri -- Khatami's rival in the 1997
presidential elections -- will lose his sway over Iranian politics. Although
Khamenei and his 12-member Council of Guardians still control the courts,
police, intelligence apparatus and some media, the loss of the parliament
could herald change more dramatic than Khatami's victory alone.

In the near term, last week's violence was a setback for Khatami and his
supporters. Hundreds of students are under arrest, while many of the student
leaders are in hiding, according to a report by Amnesty International. The
renewed crackdown on the press meant that Iranians got much of their
information through BBC and other foreign broadcasts.

But the conservatives' triumph could be short-lived. The fact that Khamenei
and others, in public speeches, dared not blame the students directly -- and
criticized the police who stormed the dormitory -- shows at least a measure
of responsiveness to public pressure.

As one newspaper, the Iran Daily, editorialized, the rioting "in and of
itself marks a new chapter in the history of political activism in the
country."




--------------------------- ONElist Sponsor ----------------------------

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------------------------------------------------------------------------
Azadi e Andishe, Hamishe...! Hamishe...!
Freedom of toughts, For Ever! For Ever!

From the Homepage of the:

Student Movement Coordination Committe for Democracy in Iran.

http://www.iran-daneshjoo.org
phone: +1 (972) 504-6864

------------------------------

Date: Thu, 22 Jul 1999 11:29:40 -0700
From: "M. Parvin" <unplan@USA.NET>
Subject: Expose the plot of IRI against the Iranian Students

--------------D1820D5C5377F56F68F4E5B2
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Expose the plot of IRI against the Iranian Students

Hi there:

This is an important news related to the recent student uprising in
Iran. The following attachment is a copy of the original letter written
by Mr. Mohammad Hassibi to The Secretary General of United Nations,
Mr. Kofi Annan. Please distribute it as widely as possible. Thank you.

Mohammad Parvin
Mission for the Establishment of Human Rights in Iran (MEHR IRAN)
P.O. Box 2037
P.V.P., CA 90274

Tel: (310) 377-4590
Fax: (310) 377-3103
E-mail: unplan@usa.net
URL: http://www.geocities.com/~iceicc/
@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@

The Honorable Kofi Annan VIA FAX (212) 963-4879

Secretary General, The United Nations


Re: Saving the lives of two innocent Iranian students

As you know, a few thousand Iranian students from several different
Universities in Iran have recently been arrested for
participating in peaceful pro democracy and proffered demonstrations. Of
these many students, two young men in particular, Manouchehr Mohammadi
and Gholamreza Mohajerinejad, have been singled out and accused of
serious misconduct. On Iranian radio and television, official statements
have been issued by governmental authorities that implicate these two
gentlemen, by name, in acts against Iran with the help of financial aid
from the enemies of Iran for the purpose of overthrowing the Islamic
Government of Iran. Purportedly, these funds have been given to the
accused through a bank account at First Union National Bank in Virginia,
account number 1010012744000. These accusations, if true, could lead to
the deaths of these men according to the laws of the Islamic government
in Iran.

I, Mohammad Hassibi, the undersigned, have definitive evidence which
will acquit these men of the above mentioned charge brought against
them. The evidence is as follows:

Mr. Mohammadi and Mr. Mohajerinejad, after receiving invitations from
universities in the United States, visited the United States in the fall
of 1998. During their visit, they were overwhelmed with the support of
Iranian patriots such as myself. The above mentioned bank account was
opened in response to this support as these same patriots desired to
contribute to the cause of Mr. Mohammadi and Mr. Mojaherinejad. From
that time until now, via an executed power of attorney, I have been the
only person with access to this account. I have supporting bank
statements, which clearly show that the total contribution made to this
account never exceeded $3,535. This sum consists of donations from
Iranian Patriots, all of which were in small increments.

It is quite obvious that the sum of $3,535 is hardly enough money to
overthrow a government and could not have come from any enemies of Iran.
Moreover, these two men voted for the election of President Khatami and
have outspokenly supported his policies of law and order both in Iran
and during their visit in the United States.

The bank documents to which I have referred are readily available and
can be immediately provided upon request. Furthermore, I am personally
available to stand witness to these facts, which will prove the
innocence of these men. I will appear in any court of law including
Iranian courts, if needed, in order to exonerate these young men of the
charge against them.

I respectfully ask that the Honorable Secretary General do anything in
his power and the power of the United Nations to bring this information
to the Iranian government in an effort to clear up any
misunderstandings. The lives of these young men depend on it.

With highest respect and regard,

Sincerely,

Mohammad Hassibi

Tel (512) 346-5754
Fax (512) 346-1118

Cc:

*The Honorable Mary Robinson, The United Nations’ High
Commissioner on Human Rights.
VIA FAX: 01141-22-9170123
* The Honorable Nelson Mandela. VIA FAX: 01127-21-461-4987
* The Honorable Vaclav Havel, President of Czech Republic. VIA FAX:
01142-02-24310851
* The Honorable Desmond Tutu. VIA FAX: 011-27-21-245-225
* The Honorable Maurice Danby Copithorne, Special Representative on
Iran, The United Nations
Commission on Human Rights, Switzerland. VIA FAX: 01141-22-9170123






--------------D1820D5C5377F56F68F4E5B2
Content-Type: text/html; charset=us-ascii
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

<!doctype html public "-//w3c//dtd html 4.0 transitional//en">
<html>
Expose the plot of IRI against the Iranian Students
<p><font size=+1>Hi there:</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>This is an important news related to the recent student
uprising in Iran. The following attachment is a copy of the original letter
written by Mr. Mohammad Hassibi to The  Secretary General of United
Nations,  Mr. Kofi Annan. Please distribute it as widely as possible.
Thank you.</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>Mohammad Parvin</font>
<br><font size=+1>M</font>ission for the <font size=+1>E</font>stablishment
of <font size=+1>H</font>uman <font size=+1>R</font>ights in Iran (MEHR
IRAN)
<br>P.O. Box 2037
<br>P.V.P., CA 90274
<p>Tel: (310) 377-4590
<br>Fax: (310) 377-3103
<br><b><a href="E-mail: unplan@usa.net">E-mail: unplan@usa.net</a></b>
<br><font size=+1><a href="URL: URL:">http://www.geocities.com/~iceicc/">URL:
http://www.geocities.com/~iceicc/</a></font>
<br><font size=+1>@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>The Honorable Kofi Annan VIA FAX (212) 963-4879</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>Secretary General, The United Nations</font>
<br><font size=+1></font> <font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>Re: Saving the lives of two innocent Iranian students</font>
<br><font size=+1> </font>
<br><font size=+1>As you know, a few thousand Iranian students from several
different Universities in Iran have recently been arrested for</font>
<br><font size=+1>participating in peaceful pro democracy and proffered
demonstrations. Of these many students, two young men in particular, Manouchehr
Mohammadi and Gholamreza Mohajerinejad, have been singled out and accused
of serious misconduct. On Iranian radio and television, official statements
have been issued by governmental authorities that implicate these two gentlemen,
by name, in acts against Iran with the help of financial aid from the enemies
of Iran for the purpose of overthrowing the Islamic Government of Iran.
Purportedly, these funds have been given to the accused through a bank
account at First Union National Bank in Virginia, account number 1010012744000.
These accusations, if true, could lead to the deaths of these men according
to the laws of the Islamic government in Iran.</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>I, Mohammad Hassibi, the undersigned, have definitive
evidence which will acquit these men of the above mentioned charge brought
against them. The evidence is as follows:</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>Mr. Mohammadi and Mr. Mohajerinejad, after receiving invitations
from universities in the United States, visited the United States in the
fall of 1998. During their visit, they were overwhelmed with the support
of Iranian patriots such as myself. The above mentioned bank account was
opened in response to this support as these same patriots desired to contribute
to the cause of Mr. Mohammadi and Mr. Mojaherinejad. From that time until
now, via an executed power of attorney, I have been the only person with
access to this account. I have supporting bank statements, which clearly
show that the total contribution made to this account never exceeded $3,535.
This sum consists of donations from Iranian Patriots, all of which were
in small increments.</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>It is quite obvious that the sum of $3,535 is hardly enough
money to overthrow a government and could not have come from any enemies
of Iran. Moreover, these two men voted for the election of President Khatami
and have outspokenly supported his policies of law and order both in Iran
and during their visit in the United States.</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>The bank documents to which I have referred are readily
available and can be immediately provided upon request. Furthermore, I
am personally available to stand witness to these facts, which will prove
the innocence of these men. I will appear in any court of law including
Iranian courts, if needed, in order to exonerate these young men of the
charge against them.</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>I respectfully ask that the Honorable Secretary General
do anything in his power and the power of the United Nations to bring this
information to the Iranian government in an effort to clear up any misunderstandings.
The lives of these young men depend on it.</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>With highest respect and regard,</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>Sincerely,</font>
<br><font size=+1> </font>
<br><font size=+1>Mohammad Hassibi</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>Tel (512) 346-5754</font>
<br><font size=+1>Fax (512) 346-1118</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1> Cc:</font><font size=+1></font>
<p><font size=+1>*The Honorable Mary Robinson, The United Nations&rsquo;
High Commissioner on Human Rights.</font>
<br><font size=+1>VIA FAX: 01141-22-9170123</font>
<br><font size=+1>* The Honorable Nelson Mandela. VIA FAX: 01127-21-461-4987</font>
<br><font size=+1>* The Honorable Vaclav Havel, President of Czech Republic.
VIA FAX: 01142-02-24310851</font>
<br><font size=+1>* The Honorable Desmond Tutu. VIA FAX: 011-27-21-245-225</font>
<br><font size=+1>* The Honorable Maurice Danby Copithorne, Special Representative
on Iran, The United Nations</font>
<br><font size=+1>Commission on Human Rights, Switzerland. VIA FAX: 01141-22-9170123</font>
<br><font size=+1></font> 
<br><font size=+1></font> 
<br><font size=+1></font> 
<br><font size=+1></font> 
<br><font size=+1></font> </html>

--------------D1820D5C5377F56F68F4E5B2--

------------------------------

Date: Thu, 22 Jul 1999 15:19:26 -0400
From: Farhad Abdolian <farhad@PANJERE.NET>
Subject: Letter or Swedish Folk Partiet (peoples party) to Khatami

Bijan Fahimi
Member of the Governing Board, Folkpartiet liberalerna
+46-70-716 74 53
Stockholm, Sweden and Strasbourg, France
22 July 1999

To the Honourable Muhammad Khatami, President of the Iranian Republic

Your Excellency:

Your election victory two years ago signified the beginning of change in
Iranian society and was warmly welcomed by most the Iranian people.
Political openness has increased, culture has flourished, and Iran’ s
relationship with its neighbours and the international community has
steadily improved, much to the benefit of the Iranian people.
Unfortunately, all groups in Iran did not welcome this development. These
forces, which oppose openness and freedom within the limits of the law,
drove the country into a wave of violence, which culminated in the student
uproar last week.
Since then, there have been mass arrests of innocent people throughout
Iran. Hundreds of students and leading politicians who always have promoted
change through peaceful dialogue, among those the leader of the Iranian
Nation’ s Party (Hezb-e Melat-e Iran) have been detained. Leading
politicians including the secretary of the highest Security Council, a body
that You head, has threatened that the students of Iran, our future, will
be put to death. In the eyes of the Iranian people and the international
community, this is completely unacceptable and contradicts the promises you
made about “civil society” during your election campaign.

Mr. President, we strongly and firmly object to the wrongful persecution of
the citizens of Iran! We, together with the students of Iran, fully expect
you to free those arrested, to prosecute those responsible for harming the
students, and that freedom of the press is guaranteed now and in the future.

Yours truly,

Marit Paulsen, Swedish People’ s Party—Member of the European Parliament

Cecilia Malmström, Swedish People’ s Party— Member of the European Parliament

Olle Schmidt, Swedish People’ s Party— Member of the European Parliament

Karl-Göran Biörsmark, Swedish People’ s Party—Member of the Swedish
Parliament and the Swedish Parliaments Committee for Iranian Affairs

Bijan Fahimi, Swedish People’ s Party—Member of the Governing Board

------------------------------

Date: Thu, 22 Jul 1999 22:10:11 -0000
From: ONElist Notification <notify@ONELIST.COM>
Subject: You have been unsubscribed

Hello,

This is an automatic notification message sent to tell you that your
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------------------------------

Date: Thu, 22 Jul 1999 18:13:30 EDT
From: KPGBT@AOL.COM
Subject: Fwd: Mousavi-Khoeiniha breaks his silence

--part1_fb452f31.24c8f18a_boundary
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Hi all,

I am adding an editorial here.

The parlaiment is involved in this mess. And at the root of this issue sits
the power struggle in the upcoming february 2000 election on one hand as far
as the upper echelons are concerned.

regards

Kourosh

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Date: Thu, 22 Jul 1999 13:37:26 -0700 (PDT)
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> From: George Maschke <gmaschke@UCLA.EDU>

The following is a hasty translation of two articles from the 22 July 1999
(31 Tir 1378) issue (no. 1883) of the Tehran daily newspaper, Hamshahri.

The Persian text of these articles is available on-line at:

http://www.neda.net/hamshahri/780431/siasi.htm

The first article concerns Hojjat ol-Eslam Musavi-Khoiniha, who was a key
figure responsible for taking hostage the US embassy staff in November
1979. He now runs the Salam daily newspaper, the suspension of which
prompted the student protests earlier this month.

The second article concerns a much publicized letter by 24 military
officers to President Khatami warning him about the demonstrations.

Comments in brackets are mine.

--George Maschke
http://www.humnet.ucla.edu/people/maschke/






--
MUSAVI-KHOINIHA BREAKS HIS SILENCE

"I Will Speak about my Political Future after the Salam trial."

* The representatives who complained that I was implying that they were
aligned with Said Eslami [the Iranian intelligence officer implicated in
the serial killings whom prison officials claim committed suicide in prison
by swallowing a hair-removal agent], when in fact, I shouted this
allegation. If they do not want to hear it, let them do as they please.

Hojjat ol-Eslam Musavi-Khoiniha, the director of the daily newspaper,
Salam, in a meeting Wednesday evening with employees addressed matters
concerned with the newspaper's suspension.

Mr. Musavi said, "I declare that the document published was not secret, and
that Salam has always been committed to upholding the law. A secret
document must have the appropriate stamp at the top and bottom, and the
presence of the letter "Kh" in the file number does not mean that it is
secret. Based on information I received in the following days, it is clear
that the original document also bears no secret stamp, and, up to now
(Tuesday) [sic], despite my insistence, the original document has not been
produced.

Musavi-Khoiniha said, "I did not think that they would suspend Salam, but
since there was no clash with Islam in principle or under the law, it is
not foreseeable either, and in this regard, the future of Salam is not
predictable. Even if the document were secret, there is still no legal
basis for suspending Salam. They should have conducted a trial, heard our
defense, and voted after the jury rendered its decision. The fact of the
matter is that, based on the way it was handled, I feel that they had
already made their decision and were only looking for a pretext."

Continuing, Musavi-Khoiniha said, "In my opinion, this decision is against
the best interests of the [public] order and is wrong."

He said, "Several members of the [Islamic Consultative] Assembly complained
that by its actions, Salam sought to implicitly state that they (the
representatives) were aligned with Said Eslami. I declare that we did not
seek to state this matter implicitly, but rather to shout it. Now, if they
did not want to hear it, let them do as they please.

Khoiniha, in reply to one of Salam's correspondents who asked if he would
open another newspaper in place of Salam, said, "No new newspaper and no
new magazine. Salam alone must be revived." Another person present asked,
"One newspaper has deemed the shutting down of Salam as being tantamount to
your withdrawal from the political arena. Is that true?" Musavi-Khoiniha
replied, "I will answer that question after Sunday's trial."




--
ISLAMIC LABOR PARTY: THE JUDICIARY'S SILENCE IN THE FACE OF THE PUBLICATION
OF THE MILITARY COMMANDERS' SECRET LETTER RAISES QUESTIONS

Political Group: Publishing a statement regarding publication of the
military commanders' secret letter, the Islamic Labor Party called on the
judiciary to act in such a manner as to dispel suspicions that the
judiciary is partisan.

The party's announcement, a copy of which was sent to Hamshahri, states in
part:

"The publication of this letter -- classified Top Secret -- by newspapers
[Kayhan and Resalat] belonging to a particular faction which did so much to
pave the way for the suspension of the Salam daily based on the accusation
that it had published a secret document and the silence of the judiciary
when confronted with this similar crime are grounds for doubt. Not only
publication of the letter, but the publication of the names of the nation's
military commanders is a crime many times greater than that of the Salam
daily, and it is fitting that the nation's judiciary should demonstrate
that it does not operate in a partisan manner and that it will not leave
law-breaking and violation of national security -- no matter by whom --
unanswered, and that if a newspaper that supports the President is
suspended for disclosing a secret letter, then the two aforementioned
newspapers [Kayhan and Resalat] will be viewed in the same light."

The Islamic Labor Party continued its statement:

"Doubtlessly, this letter cannot be considered anything other than military
interference in political affairs -- all the more so in these
circumstances. Even if it might actually [have been written out of] genuine
distress, it is to be noted that the Constitution and the late Imam
[Khomeini], whose commemorative year this is, have always emphasized the
non-interference of the military in political affairs. He even referred to
that in his will. It should not be ignored that the armed forces of the
Islamic Republic of Iran do not have the right to interfere in politics."


--part1_fb452f31.24c8f18a_boundary--

------------------------------

End of DNI-NEWS Digest - 21 Jul 1999 to 22 Jul 1999 - Special issue
*******************************************************************