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There are 4 messages totalling 616 lines in this issue.

Topics of the day:

1. Friday October23/Columbia
3. NEWS98 - Interview with Karbaschi
4. NEWS98 - Tales of Washington-sponsored Torture, Death


Date: Thu, 22 Oct 1998 14:01:39 EDT
Subject: Friday October23/Columbia

Nanoon'e Iran presents:

Speaker: Dr. Bahman Maghsoudlou
Film Producer

Topic: Contemporary Iranian Cinema

Program includes a film on "Ardeshir Mohassess" and some scenes from: "Haft
Mostakhdem" and "Manhattan By Numbes" are shown.

Date: Friday, October 23, 1998
Time: 6:30 P.M

Place: Hamilton Hall- Room 602- Columbia University
116th Street & Broadway, Manhattan New York


Date: Thu, 22 Oct 1998 16:55:59 EDT

October 21, 1998

The sit-in of 200 Iranian refugees in Erbil, Iraqi Kurdistan, in
protest to the policies and practices of the United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) - Iraq, has ended.
Faced with local pressure from the sit-in participants as
well international pressure coordinated by the International
Federation of Iranian Refugees (IFIR), the UNHCR finally
addressed many of the legitimate demands of the refugees.

The UNHCR - Iraq Branch Office agreed to the following:

1- Monthly food rations will be doubled.

2- Medical services as well as pharmaceuticals will be provided.

3- The refugee determination process will be expedited.

4- In 1999, the number of refugees resettled in a safe third
country will be increased from 1,500 to 2,000.

IFIR’s response succeeded in gaining the attention of
international human rights and refugee organizations, and
gathering solidarity from many individuals and progressive
organizations world-wide. Despite the success, advocacy
efforts must continue until the UNHCR fulfills all its obligations
to those fleeing the tyrannical Islamic Republic of Iran. IFIR
congratulates all individuals, groups and bodies who
supported the campaign. Once more, united and organized
struggle has promoted refugee rights.

Fore more information: contact Maryam Namazie,
IFIR, GPO, PO Box 7051, NY NY 10116.
Tel: 212-747-1046. Fax: 212-425-7240.


Date: Thu, 22 Oct 1998 23:28:36 GMT
Subject: NEWS98 - Interview with Karbaschi

The Guardian
Wednesday October 21, 1998

Tehran mayor calls for vote to stall hardliners

Geneive Abdo in Iran talks exclusively to the country's
leading moderate politician

Gholamhossein Karbaschi, the convicted mayor of Tehran, is
an unusual mix of model Islamic revolutionary and skilled
technocrat. That is why Mr Karbaschi, who now faces jail,
is trying to reform the very system that seeks to silence

He is urging voters to take part in a poll on Friday, in
which carefully selected hardline candidates look certain
to win. In doing so, he has parted ways with his former
allies on the left who have called for a boycott in
everything but name.

In a rare interview since his conviction on graft charges
in July, Mr Karbaschi told the Guardian the selection of
candidates to the 86-seat Assembly of Experts, an obscure
body of theologians that oversees the work of Iran's
supreme leader, was seriously flawed.

None the less, his moderate party, Servants of
Construction, will back a slate of candidates in a bid to
reform the role of the supreme leader, and clarify the
separation of mosque and state.

"The legitimacy of the Assembly of Experts is not subject
to the number of people who vote," Mr Karbaschi said, in
answer to the leftwingers who say they will not vote
because they object to the selection process.

"We believe that even in these conditions it is better to
select more moderate figures among the existing

At an election rally in Tehran yesterday, Mr Karbaschi
again exhorted people to vote. "It is a right given to us
and we must use it for our own benefit," he said.

Earlier, in the hi-tech newspaper office that has been his
seat of exile since he was suspended as mayor pending his
appeal, he appeared both philosophical and realistic.

His message was clear. If Iran is to move forward, the
system must be reformed, not dismantled. When asked if he
agreed with some leaders who say the country is in a stage
of "correcting the revolution", Mr Karbaschi emphasised
that the Islamic system should remain.

"I believe our constitution is a good one, and if it is
implemented, we shall not need to amend it. But everyone,
including the Assembly of Experts, must act in accordance
with the constitution."

In his nine-year tenure as mayor, Mr Karbaschi energised
the Iranian capital, a city that suffered 20 years of
international isolation. He landscaped the highways to
resemble suburban California and built supermarkets, to the
chagrin of neighbourhood grocers. He also introduced the
Internet to people starved of Western media. Iranians often
say they live in a different city today, which could have
been transformed only by a man like Mr Karbaschi.

Born into a religious family in the Shi'ite holy city of
Qom, he attended secular schools while also studying at
seminaries. As a student at Tehran University in 1972, he
distributed taped lectures of exiled Ayatollah Khomeini,
who was to become founder of the Islamic republic.

He was arrested for his political activity by the Shah's
Savak security forces in 1973 and sentenced to three years
in prison. When Khomeini returned to Iran in February 1979,
Mr Karbaschi was tipped as a leader who could inspire the
young generation.

Yet despite his close ties with Khomeini, he became a
target of the same conservatives who engineered the
revolution. His fusion of fiery revolutionary with
modern-day technocrat unsettled hardliners who shun Iran's
slide towards modernisation and its increasing diplomatic
links to the West.

On the fatwa against the British author Salman Rushdie, Mr
Karbaschi disagrees with the hardliners who criticised the
government for saying last month that Iran would not pay
the bounty on Mr Rushdie's head.

"What is considered a fatwa is a religious duty of every
individual, not a statement or measure taken by the
government. Even the Imam [Khomeini] himself has said the
Rushdie affair was a religious, not a state mission."

Analysts viewed his trial in July, when he was sentenced to
five years' imprisonment, banned from office and fined
heavily, as aimed to discredit President Khatami, his ally.

Mr Karbaschi reflects on his trial with a tinge of
bitterness - the judge in the case was also prosecutor - as
well as wit.

"This trial illuminated many facts for people and disclosed
many issues. It made clear that many discussions and
arguments are of a political nature. I cannot elaborate on
this very much, but the totality of what was discussed in
court, the kind of charges, the attitude of the court, the
quality of the defence… all have deep political
consequences for Iran's present and future."


Date: Thu, 22 Oct 1998 23:31:53 GMT
Subject: NEWS98 - Tales of Washington-sponsored Torture, Death

The Guardian
Wednesday October 21, 1998

Secret files bury facts of CIA dirty tricks against
Allende's regime

By Michael Ellison in New York

The CIA has a quotation from the Gospel of St John
displayed proudly in the foyer of its Washington
headquarters: You shall know the truth and the truth shall
set you free.

But the truth of the agency's involvement in the coup which
brought Augusto Pinochet's regime to power 25 years ago is
still not fully known. One fact, though, is certain - when
classified papers on America's involvement are finally
published, the freedom of the people of Chile will not
figure strongly.

Henry Kissinger, President Nixon's national security
adviser, was unequivocal about the general principle
guiding United States policy. "I don't see why we need to
stand by and watch a country go communist because of the
irresponsibility of its own people," he said.

Salvador Allende, the first democratically elected Marxist
in Latin America when he was elected president in November
1970, presented an ideological and economic affront to the
Nixon regime. The answer was to pump $8 million and 400
'special advisers' into destabilising the unruly brat in
America's backyard over the next three years.

Nixon tried to prevent Allende's victory by ordering the
CIA to 'make the economy scream'. Later, Kissinger told the
CIA that "it is firm and continuing policy that Allende
should be overthrown by a coup". Three years later he had
his way and Allende was dead. CIA director Richard Helms
told a Senate investigating committee in 1975 that his
agents tried to bribe the Chilean Congress and its
military, and paid extreme right-wing groups to assassinate
General Rene Schneider, Chile's chief of staff. After
Allende's inauguration, it set about undermining his
government by backing strikes, promoting violence and
initiating media smear campaigns.

The coup came in September 1973, stimulated by the agency's
success in creating social unrest. US Navy ships appeared
off the coast of Chile and intelligence officers kept in
touch with the leaders of the military takeover. Congress,
the press and the trade unions were destroyed, 'subversive'
books were burned, and up to 3,000 Chileans died in the
subsequent seven-year reign of terror.

Allende supporters were not safe even when they fled
abroad. A year after the coup, General Carlos Prats, the
former chief of staff, and his wife were blown nine storeys
high in Buenos Aires. The CIA was well informed about the
operation and even supplied Pinochet's secret police with a

Two years later the former diplomat Orlando Letelier was
assassinated with a car bomb in Washington - an operation
thought to be beyond Pinochet's henchmen working

In the United States, these matters are considered as
history. In Argentina, as Allende's neice, Isabel, said
recently, talk of the events of 25 years ago is taken to be
in very bad taste.

The Guardian
Monday October 19, 1998

Pinochet and the years of torture

By Burhan Wazir

Carlos Reyes was a freelance journalist and member of the
Socialist Party in Chile when he was arrested in March
1974, accused of terrorism against the state.

"They came to my house at 10pm, and just grabbed me. I was
taken away from my family who were given no explanation
where I was being taken," he said.

"I was to spend the next two years being tortured in the
torture chambers underneath the presidential palace. There
were lots of people there, some of them I knew. All were
being subjected to horrible forms of abuse. It was
humiliating every day. I was hung from racks and beaten up.

"What torturers try to do is strip you of all dignity. They
would play me tapes of babies screaming, and tell me that I
was hearing the voices of my own children. They would say
that I was hearing my own son and daughter being slowly
tortured, and that they would be killed if I did not
co-operate. They wanted names of people in the party, but I
had none to give.

"They would make me work on manual labour jobs for days on
end. You are so tired you cannot sleep at night. Then they
don't feed you for days, you are deprived of water and
basic human needs. They would treat me like I was just any
animal. My torturers saw me as someone who had given up the
right to be human.

"You start to think that your life has lost all meaning.
It's as if there's nothing worth living for. I was beaten
up all the time. It often took the form of severe torture.
They would punch and kick me around in groups, I was hit
with sticks and anything they could find that would cause

"When I hear that Pinochet has been arrested, I feel like I
want to cry. I don't see his arrest as a personal
victory... it is justice for the thousands who went
missing. They have to be found. They were all friends of
mine, some of them were fellow journalists. Some of them, I
have heard, have been killed and their families wiped out.
I was lucky, I escaped. But I will always remember what it
feels like to be tortured and at the mercy of people who
know not to care.

"It will take the country years to get over Pinochet's
legacy. Finding out what happened to his victims is where
we should begin."

Mr Reyes was held until December 1979 before being released
and flown to Panama, where he was arrested again. Put on a
flight back to Chile, he escaped when the plane stopped at
Heathrow. He is now president of Chile Democratic, a group
dedicated to promoting human rights in Chile and finding
the thousands who went missing under Pinochet's regime.

The Guardian
Tuesday October 20, 1998

Britons were victims of the Chilean secret police

By Nick Hopkins and Geoffrey Gibbs

Although most of Augusto Pinochet's victims were Chilean,
several Britons were tortured by his secret police.

One, William Beausire, has not been seen since 1975 and is
assumed to be dead.

Another, Sheila Cassidy, a doctor, was arrested after
priests asked her to treat a man with a bullet wound who
was on the run.

Lawyers acting for Mr Beausire said yesterday they would
write to the Attorney General to ask whether the Government
should bring a British prosecution against Gen Pinochet.

Dr Cassidy said yesterday she would give evidence in any
court action.

Mr Beausire's story began when his British father, Wilfred,
married a Chilean, Ines, and settled in the Chilean
capital, Santiago. Of their four children, William, known
as Bill, was not politically active, but his younger
sister, Mary Ann, fell in love with Andres Pasal Allende,
nephew of Salvador Allende, the socialist who became
president of Chile and was deposed and killed during the
1973 coup by Gen Pinochet.

Mary Ann went into hiding and the secret police, known as
the DINA, saw Mr Beausire, a stockbroker, as the best way
of finding her and Allende's nephew.

He knew that he was a target and tried to get away. On
November 2, 1974 he waved goodbye to his mother on a flight
for Argentina and then Paris. However, within hours DINA
agents had ransacked his mother's home and found a notebook
with the flight and destination. On arrival at Buenos Aires
airport, Mr Beausire answered a tannoy call to go to
International Police Control, where he was seized and kept
in a cupboard for three days.

His British passport (he had dual nationality) was
destroyed and he was taken back to Chile. The authorities
have never publicly acknowledged that he was arrested, and
what happened to him has been pieced together from
statements by other prisoners.

He spent time in two DINA torture centres, Calle Jose
Domingo Canas and Villa Grimaldi. Nicknamed El Gordo
(Fatty) by interrogators, he was beaten, kicked, and
regularly given shocks on the Parrilla, a two-tiered bed of
wire mesh covered with plastic.

Electrodes were connected to his nipples, genitals and
eyelids. Other techniques employed by his captors included
the dry submarine - keeping a plastic bag over a prisoner's
head to within moments of suffocation.

Mr Beausire was last seen at a DINA centre in Macul, a
district of Santiago, which was used by the secret police
as a recuperation centre.

In a statement to Amnesty International, Adriana Borquez
said: "He suffered a chronic ailment which got worse with
the cold in our prison, and kept him in bed for almost a
week. On July 2... I heard strange voices in the corridor.
I saw Bill surrounded by several strange men. He said to
me: 'Chica, they have come for me... I don't know where
they are taking me'.

"We went back to the kitchen where he kissed me goodbye,
saying 'Shit... '"

Thereafter the trail is cold, even though his case was
taken up in Britain during the late 1970s. The then foreign
secretary, Tony Crosland, referred it to the United
Nations, to no avail.

Mr Beausire's mother, who died in the early 1990s, once
said: "The pain of not knowing where he is, of not knowing
what his physical and mental health may be, the total
uncertainty, is terrible."

Dr Cassidy yesterday described the "absolute terror" she
felt after her arrest in Santiago in 1975. She too was
tortured: stripped naked and tied to a metal bunk without a
mattress and given electric shocks all over her body.

She was in solitary confinement for three weeks and held in
a detention centre for another five before being released
in December following pressure from the British government.

Dr Cassidy, aged 61, now works as a psycho-oncologist at
Plymouth's Derriford hospital providing support for cancer
patients. She said she felt "the absolute terror of
annihilation" when armed secret police burst into the house
of some Irish missionaries with whom she was staying,
looking for the priests who had sheltered the man she

"I was arrested. They slapped my face and blindfolded me
and raced me through the city. I was taken to the Villa
Grimaldi where I was told to strip and was tortured with
electric shocks on a number of occasions throughout that

She added: "They put an electrode in my vagina and then it
was completely impossible to think while the shock was
going in."

She suffered years of depression and sleepless night as a
result. "There is a desperate need to see justice done,"
she said yesterday.

"There are a lot of people who feel that to let Pinochet go
would be monstrous."

The Observer
Sunday October 18, 1998

The General who made people vanish

By John Sweeney and Andy McSmith

GeneralL Augusto Pinochet, who made people vanish, added a
word to the dictionary of horror. Los desaparecidos - the
disappeared - still haunt his surviving victims.

Twenty-five years on, Luis Munos says: "There are times I
can't walk, my stomach is falling apart, there is terrible
pain in my testicles, I can't sleep.

"It's with you every day, it's for life. I'm carrying the
dead bodies of loved ones on my back. Too many. Too many."

Munos was tortured. His wife vanished. His story was one of
many: there were about 3,000 murders after that day in 1973
when Pinochet with brutal force brought to an end the
democratically elected Salvator Allende's chaotic
three-year dash to socialism. Two thousand victims have
never been found.

The world watched it start on television. British-made
Hawker Hunters bombed the presidential palace. Inside
Allende died. It was said he took his own life; others
believe he was murdered.

Thousands were herded at gunpoint into the National Stadium
in Santiago and detained for weeks. Hooded informers
identified 'subversives'. In cubicles people were tortured
and murdered. Firing squads executed hundreds.

The musician Victor Jara was one victim, shot to death, his
hands broken. Others were buried in mine shafts, in
unmarked graves, in places still to be found.

Munos has every reason to hate the Latin American despot
who became the darling of the economic Right. The military
came for his wife, 24-year-old journalist Diana Aron in
November 1974, acting on orders from the top. She ran and
they shot her in the back.

He was arrested a month later and taken to the Villa
Grimaldi, one of the grimmest places in Pinochet's gulag.
'They gave me three months in that place where I saw
horrible things and they did horrible things to me.

"They took people's nails out, burned people with
cigarettes, asphyxiated people with plastic bags, tortured
people with electric shocks in front of their children.

"One day an officer said that my wife was in intensive
care, and that if I didn't talk, they would take her off.

"I said to them that first I wanted to see her. Then one
day I asked, 'How is she?' and the officer said, 'She's

He added: "I haven't been able to sleep since Pinochet
arrived in this country. The thought of him being here,
getting away with everything. It was torture. And now this,
after 25 years, they've arrested him. At last he is not
able to move freely where he wants to. Jesus, that's
something... "

PINOCHET'S INFLUENCE did not stop at the Chilean border.
Exiles were tracked down to foreign capitals and
assassinated. His feared secret police, the DINA, struck in
Washington on September 1976 when Orlando Letelier, former
Chilean chancellor under President Allende, and Ronni
Karpen Moffitt, a United States citizen, were killed by a
bomb planted in their car.

FBI agents tracked the murders to the DINA. A 1978
Washington Grand Jury indicted the DINA hitmen, and two FBI
agents who worked on the case have declared they believe
Pinochet was responsible for the murders.

Law enforcement agencies in Italy and Argentina are also
investigating Pinochet. But it is the personal testimony of
surviving victims that offers some insight to the horror
his name inspires.

Santiago Lopez was a student fired by dreams of revolution,
a teacher's son just 23 years old, working as a regional
union organiser.

On average, they tortured him three times a days for about
40 days. He cannot be exact because he lost track of time.
Santiago - not his real name, he is still afraid of
Pinochet's people - now lives in Sheffield, where the
Medical Foundation for the Victims of Torture has helped
him get treatment for soft-tissue damage, possible spinal
injury and other lasting gifts from the Pinochet regime.

Ricardo Figueroa, now 68, was luckier. The soldiers were
just getting started on him when a Red Cross commission
arrived at Chillan Prison. He was released after three
years because his wife was English.

A fellow lecturer, sleeping on bare floorboards, went
through the experience of having the man lying on his right
taken out and shot, then the man lying on his left. One of
Figueroa's students, only 20, was shot by soldiers at home,
with his father and stepfather.

Yesterday, Mr Figueroa said he had been "really offended"
by the unwillingness to call Pinochet to account. He said:
"This is really positive news. It has raised my hopes of
seeing justice done."

A spokesman for Amnesty International said: "We are very
pleased that the authorities in the UK have made this step.
It's an important move towards bringing Pinochet to
justice. The evidence that Pinochet was aware of the
disappearances, tortures and the killings is very strong."

Helen Bamber, director of the Medical Foundation for the
Care of Victims of Torture, told The Observer: "It's a
powerful message to all leaders who abuse human rights that
they cannot expect to get away with cruelty."

Ms Bamber still wants to establish the fate of William
Beausire, an Anglo-Chilean businessman in his twenties who
is said to have been tortured then disappeared. She said:
"The message has to be that there can be no hiding place
for torturers."

Jon Lee Anderson, who interviewed Pinochet for the New
Yorker found him utterly unafraid of arrest or retribution.
"He was staying in one of the modern five-star hotels on
Park Lane... he hadn't called his friends; even his tea
with Margaret Thatcher had been scratched.

"Pinochet was in a good mood, and after we talked for a
while he set off to Madame Tussaud's for the umpteenth
time; the British National Army Museum; and then to lunch
at Fortnum & Mason."

Pinochet is one tourist who may regret his trip to London.
But whatever happens to him, a grim monument remains.

Additional reporting by Sandra Jordan.


End of DNI-NEWS Digest - 21 Oct 1998 to 22 Oct 1998